path-she, who had never before walked more than a mile or two at any time of her life,till her feet were blistered, her slight shoes cut through, her way utterly lost. At morning's dawn she found herself in the midst of the wild ilex-covered Apennines, and neither habitation nor human being apparent. She was hungry and weary. She had brought gold and jewels with her; but here were no means of exchanging these for food. She remembered stories of banditti; but none could be so ruffian-like and cruel as him from whom she fled. This thought, a little rest, and a draught of water from a pure mountainspring, restored her to some portion of courage, and she continued her journey. Noonday approached; and, in the south of Italy, the noonday sun, when unclouded, even in November, is oppressively warm, especially to an Italian woman, who never exposes herself to its beams. Faintness came over her. There appeared recesses in the mountain-side along which she was travelling, grown over with bay and arbutus: she entered one of these, there to repose. It was deep, and led to another that opened into a spacious cavern lighted from above: there were dates, grapes, and a flagon of wine, on a rough hewn table. She looked fearfully around, but no inhabitant appeared. She placed herself at the table, and, half in dread, ate of the food presented to her, and then sat, her elbow on the table, her head resting on her little snow-white hand; her dark hair shading her brow and clustering round her throat. An appearance of languor and fatigue diffused through her attitude, while her soft black eyes filled at intervals with large tears, as pitying herself, she recurred to the cruel circumstances of her lot. Her fanciful but elegant dress, her feminine form, her beauty and her grace, as she sat pensive and alone in the rough unhewn cavern, formed a picture a poet would describe with delight, an artist love to paint. "She seemed a being of another world; a seraph, all light and beauty; a Ganymede, escaped from his thrall above to his natal Ida. It was long before I recognised, looking down on her from the opening hill, my lost Adalinda." Thus spoke the young Count Eboli, when he related this story; for its end was as romantic as its commencement. When Ferdinando had arrived a galley-slave in Calabria, he found himself coupled with a bandit, a brave fellow, who abhorred his chains, from love of freedom, as much as his fellowprisoner did, from all the combination of disgrace and misery they brought upon him. Together they devised a plan of escape, and succeeded in effecting it. On their road, Ferdinand related his story to the outlaw, who encouraged him to hope a favourable turn of fate; and meanwhile invited and persuaded the desperate man to share his fortunes as a robber among the wild hills of Calabria. The cavern where Adalinda had taken refuge was one of their fastnesses, whither they betook themselves at periods of imminent danger for safety only, as no booty could be collected in that unpeopled solitude; and there, one afternoon, returning from the chase, they found the wandering, fearful, solitary, fugi tive girl; and never was lighthouse more welcome to tempest-tost sailor than was her own Ferdinand to his lady-love. Fortune, now tired of persecuting the young noble, favoured him still further. The story of the lovers interested the bandit chief, and promise of reward secured him. Ferdinand persuaded Adalinda to remain one night in the cave, and on the following morning they prepared to proceed to Naples; but at the moment of their departure they were surprised by an unexpected visitant: the robbers brought in a prisoner-it was the imposter. Missing on the morrow her who was the pledge of his safety and success, but assured that she could not have wandered far, he despatched emissaries in all directions to seek her; and himself, joining in the pursuit, followed the road she had taken, and was captured by these lawless men, who expected rich ransom from one whose appearance denoted rank and wealth. When they discovered who their prisoner was, they generously delivered him up into his brother's hands. Ferdinand and Adalinda proceeded to Naples. On their arrival, she presented herself to Queen Caroline; and, through her, Murat heard with astonishment the device that had been practised on him. The young Count was restored to his honours and possessions, and within a few months afterwards was united to his betrothed bride. The compassionate nature of the Count and Countess led them to interest themselves warmly in the fate of Ludovico, whose subsequent career was more honourable but less fortunate. At the intercession of his relative, Gioacchino permitted him to enter the army, where he distinguished himself, and obtained promotion. The brothers were at Moscow to. gether, and mutually assisted each other during the horrors of the retreat. At one time overcome by drowsiness, the mortal symptom resulting from excessive cold, Ferdinand lingered behind his comrades; but Ludovico refusing to leave him, dragged him on in spite of himself, till, entering a village, food and fire restored him, and his life was saved. On another evening, when wind and sleet added to the horror of their situation, Ludovico, after many ineffectual struggles, slid from his horse lifeless; Ferdinand was at his side, and, dismounting, endeavoured by every means in his power to bring back pulsation to his stagnant blood. His comrades went forward, and the young Count was left alone with his dying brother in the wide boundless waste. Once Ludovico opened his eyes and recognised him; he pressed his hand, and his lips moved to utter a blessing as he died. At that moment the welcome sounds of the enemy's approach roused Ferdinand from the despair into which his dreadful situation plunged him. He was taken prisoner, and his life was thus saved. When Napoleon went to Elba, he, with many others of his countrymen, was liberated, and returned to Naples. From the Foreign Quarterly Review. FRENCH HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION.* He thought the additional information contained in those parts of it, which Sir J. Dalrymple had omitted to extract, or to publish, so important, that he procured copies of them all. He observed to one of his correspondents, 'My studies at Paris, have been useful beyond what I can describe;' and his expression to me was, Barillon's letters were worth their weight in gold."-Preface, p. xxxiv. The copies thus made by Mr. Fox, are printed (so far as the period of his history extends) at the end of his work, and from the expressions used by Lord Holland, we should have supposed, that this formed a complete collection of the correspondence during this period. The researches of M. Mazure have shown that this is not the case.* At length a native of France has undertaken the task of illustrating from original sources, the most important and interesting period of our national history. On an examination of the mass of original documents which the archives of France contained relative to this great Revolution, M. Mazure discovered so much that had been overlooked by other historians, that he resolved to give to the world the History now before us-a work highly creditable to his industry and talents, and which certainly forms by far the best narrative of those great events which are still, "in our flowing cups freshly remembered." In the composition of this history, the author has not only availed himself of the correspondence of Barillon, but has made much use of the other state papers which the archives of Paris contain, relative to the reign of James II. He has also, of course, consulted "The Life of James II." of which we have given some account. No previous writer, therefore, has possessed materials so copious, so authentic, and so valuable as those which M. Mazure has had the good fortune to command; and it is no slight commendation to say, that he has displayed both candour and judgment in the use of these valuable materials. In the year 1756, Hume published the second volume of his History of England, containing the period from the death of Charles I. to the Revolution. At that time he had access only to such materials as the Library of the Faculty of Advocates at Edinburgh afforded. A selection from the correspondence of Davaux, the ambassador of France to the States, had indeed lately been published, of which the historian availed himself; but he was ignorant of those invaluable stores of historical information which existed at Paris, in the archives of the Scotch College, and in the Dépôt des Affaires Etrangères. On his subsequent visit to that metropolis, he appears to have seen,t and to have been delighted with some important manuscript memoirs, preserved in the Scotch College, consisting of original papers in the hand-writing of James II., and of a more forinal narrative, apparently drawn up by some person under the directions of James or his son. These papers had also been previously examined by Carte the historian, who made considerable extracts from them, which afterwards fell into the hands of Mr. Macpherson, who himself visited Paris, for the purpose of examining the original documents. The extracts were printed by him in his Original Papers, and are there said to be copied from the Memoirs in James's own hand. It seems certain, however, that these extracts were made from the formal narrative, and not from the original documents. The latter, at the time of the French Revolution, were lost, but the narrative was preserved, and forms the "Life of James II." published by the Rev. J. S. Clarke, in pursuance of the desire of His Majesty, then Prince Regent, into whose possession the original MSS. had come. Of the value of this publication it is unnecessary to speak; all who are versed in English history know how to appreciate it. Nor does this work form the only addition to the materials for a history of the Revolution, which has been made since the time of Hume. Sir John Dalrymple, with great industry collected in the appendix to his History, a large and most important correspondence relating to the political transactions of that period, and amongst the rest, gave many of the letters of Barillon, the French ambassador at St. James's, to his court. The impor* "Mr. Fox went somewhat further; but he tance of the latter induced Mr. Fox, when en- abandoned his researches to copyists, or meregaged on his History of the Reign of James II. ly indicated them by a pencil mark: it was not to make a strenuous exertion to procure the therefore difficult to find what he had not even whole of that correspondence. Accordingly, suspected."-Preface, p. ix. We have been at on the restoration of peace in 1802, he visited the trouble of examining the omissions in BarilParis, and passed a great part of every morning lon's correspondence, as published in the apin the Dépôt des Affaires Etrangères, accoin-pendix to Mr. Fox's History, so far as we can panied by his friends, Lord St. John, Mr. Adair and Mr. Trotter, who assisted him in transcribing the original papers. "The correspondence of Barillon," says Lord Holland, "did not disappoint his expectations. * Histoire de la Révolution de 1688, en Angleterre. Par F. A. J. Mazure, InspecteurGénéral des Etudes. 3 vols. 8vo. Paris. 1825. + See Dugald Stewart's Life of Robertson. The greater part of M. Mazure's first volume, is devoted to the reign of Charles II-a narrative essentially necessary to the correct understanding of the subsequent portion of his history. But as this part of the work is more in the nature of a sketch, we shall pass at once to the commencement of the reign of James II., being guided in the observations and extracts which we shall make, by that which we con gather them from Mazure's references. There are wanting, 1. a letter giving an account of the battle of Sedgemore, (Mazure, vol. i. p. 479.); 2. two letters of 23d and 26th July, 1685, giving an account of Monmouth's interview with the king, (Mazure, vol ii. p. 7.); 3. a letter of the 3d July, also relating to Monmouth, (Ib. p. 10.); 4. a letter of 30th August, relating to the policy of James towards the states, (16 p. 39.) There are probably other omissions. ceive to be the peculiar value of the work before us, viz. the information which M. Mazure has derived from his researches into the important documents, preserved in the archives of Paris and St. Germain's. When James II. left the chamber of his dead brother, there was not in Christendom a more powerful prince than himself. The undisputed successor to a splendid and now tranquil throne, the sovereign of a people, who in wealth as well as in valour, vied with the first nations of Europe, he held the balance in which the great powers of the civilized world were weighed against each other. Hitherto his life had been full of vicissitudes, but the diadem which at length encircled his brows, seemed also to have crowned his fortunes. The murmurs of those who had attempted to exclude him from his inheritance were no longer heard; the principles which had led the virtue of Russel, and the bravery of Sidney to the block seemed extinguished, and even the enthusiasts who had made Oates their apostle, did not venture to express their abhorrence of the royal papist. Under these auspicious circumstances did James ascend his throne, the foundations of which it seemed almost impossible for him to shake. But the objects upon which, from the commencement of his reign, his whole affections were fixed, were precisely those which were calculated to destroy him. He selected the only two courses which could have led to his ruin-the establishment of the Catholic faith, and of absolute power. It is possible that either of those dangerous projects, if separately attempted, might have been achieved; but the union of them was fatal. It has been the subject of much grave argument amongst our historians, whether bigotry or tyranny, was James's prevailing incentive; but it would be just as reasonable to inquire, whether it be her form or her fortune, which attracts the lover to his rich and beautiful mistress. It is a task of no ordinary difficulty to analyze the motives by which men are actuated, and the only conclusion at which we can arrive is, that James devoted himself most passionately to the attainment of both his favourite objects. His first care upon his accession, was to secure the countenance and assistance of Louis XIV. The sovereign who revoked the edict of Nantes, was a fitting ally for him who authorized the cruelties of the Scottish Privy Council. Two days after the death of his brother, James took Barillon, the French ambassador, to is closet, and explained to him the whole of the unconstitutional scheme which he had resolved to carry into effect. He was to display a wise and magnanimous forgetfulness of injuries; he was to summon a Parliament without delay; he was to affect a respect for the laws: but the real object of all these fair and specious promises was, without scruple, declared to the agent of the French king. It is in this view that the correspondence of Barillon is so truly valuable, and that in resorting to the archives of his own nation, M. Mazure may be said to have reached the fountain-head of the history of these times. The motives which actuated James in calling together the representatives of the people immediately after his accession, were fully de tailed to him by Barillon, on the 18th of February, 1684, only two days after his brother's death. He then told him that he had determined to call a Parliament immediately, without which it would be difficult for him to maintain himself in the possession of the revenues, which had legally ceased on the death of the late king, and that this measure would not prevent him, if circumstances admitted it, either from putting off the meeting of Parliament, or from adopting such other means as might appear more convenient. He added, that had he delayed to summon a Parliament, the opposi tion of the people might have compelled him to levy the customs by force, instead of which he should now pretend to have the law in his favour, and it would be very easy to reduce those who opposed him. Desirous of strengthening James in these good resolutions, Louis hastened to afford him the pecuniary assistance which he so importunately craved, and bills of exchange for the sum of 500,000 livres were transmitted to Barillon. The manner in which the king received the intelligence of this inean subsidy is thus related by the ambassador, and furnishes a striking and memorable picture of the real servility and baseness of those who affect to be tyrants. "The king was extremely surprised, and said to me, with tears in his eyes, No one but the king your master could act in so noble a manner, and so full of kindness to me; I confess to you that I feel more sensibly what he has done on this occasion, than any thing which can happen to me during the rest of my life; for I see clearly the bottom of his heart, and how desirous he is that my affairs should prosper; he has met all my wishes and anticipated all my wants; I can never be sufficiently grateful for such a mode of proceeding; testify my gratitude to him, and be a guarantee of the attachment which I shall feel towards him during the whole of my life.' The temper of the Parliament seemed at first to be altogether such as James desired. They displayed a degree of subserviency to his wishes which might have satisfied the appetite of any ordinary monarch, and it was only when the subject of religion arose, that they showed the least disposition to thwart the royal will. Notice whatever was taken of the illegal measures which had been pursued with regard to the levying of the customs after the death of the late king, and so far were the Commons from resenting this outrage upon their first and most valuable privilege, that they immediately proceeded to bestow upon the king a far more magnificent revenue than any of his predecessors had yet enjoyed. · The revenue being thus secured by law, on a footing so liberal as to render all further applications for the parsimonious supplies of the French king unnecessary and inexcusable, aud the parliament displaying a devotion to his wishes which might have led James to hope for the final accomplishment of all his designs, what more could he desire? It is difficult to credit the fact, but the testimony of Barillon cannot be doubted, he longed for a rebellion! The letter of the French ambassador, mentioning this singular aspiration, is not given by Mr. Fox, and M. Mazure is the first historian by whom it has been noticed. The detestable desire was gratified, in the insurrection of Argyle in Scotland, and that of Monmouth in England. Of these transactions M. Mazure has given a clear and succinct relation, in which he has made use of a letter of Barillon, omitted by Mr. Fox, relating to the interview of the duke with the king, and his demeanour on that occasion. In consequence of a letter addressed to him by Monmouth, James resolved to admit the duke to his presence; "une chose," says Barillon, "bien extraordinaire et fort opposée à l'usage des autres nations." To this it may be added, that it was equally opposed to the usages of this country, which forbid the sovereign from calling to his presence, unless for the purposes of mercy, the sufferer whom the law has devoted to death. The old and merci ful distich, "A king's face Should show grace," was forgotten by James-the uncle beheld his weeping nephew without pity, and the sovereign his repentant subject without pardon. It is a fact related by Barillon, which does not, we believe, appear in the other narratives of this interview, that Monmouth was ushered into the presence with his arms bound behind him, but with his hands free; a fact, which if correct, and there is no reason to doubt its correctness, betrays the cowardice as well as the cruelty of the king. The account which is preserved in the Memoirs of James II., taken from his own papers, is in itself sufficiently revolting, but with the addition of the circumstances mentioned by Barillon, it presents a picture of the darkest colours. "When the Duke of Monmouth," say the Memoirs, "was brought before the king, he fell upon his knees, crawling upon them to embrace those of His Majesty, and forgetting the character of a hero, which he had so long pretended to, behaved himself with the greatest meanness and abjection imaginable, omitting no humiliation or pretence of sorrow or repentance to move the king to compassion and mercy." Of what materials must the heart of that man have been made, who could first witness such a spectacle, and then record it! So far, politically speaking, the wish expressed by James for a rebellion seemed to have been founded in what statesmen call wisdom. The blood of Monmouth and of Argyle had cemented the edifice of his power. But the feelings of aversion and distrust which misgovernment could not awaken in the minds of the people, were roused at once by the voice of zeal and bigotry. in his address to the council immediately after the death of his brother, and in his speech on the opening of parliament, James had solemnly promised to protect and support the church of England. The clergy exulted at this declaration, they had the word of a king, "a word never yet broken," and in this they placed the most implicit faith. The mode in which James proceeded to redeem the pledge thus solemnly given was singular. At first he contented himself with the open exercise of his religion in the royal chapel. He then established persons of the Catholic faith in places of trust about his person, and introduced them into the privy council. By degrees the commissions in the army were filled up with their names; while every endeavour was made, by promises and menaces, to obtain from Parliament an abolition of the test laws. The progress of the design is well traced by M. Mazure, who has fully explained the part taken by the French king in these schemes, and the motives by which he was actuated. With regard to the ultimate objects of James himself, there is little doubt that he looked not merely to the toleration of the Catholic faith, but to its supremacy in this country. With what circumstances of persecution towards the professors of a different faith such a supremacy would have been accompanied at that time, may be well imagined, when the stern character of the monarch himself and the furious bigotry of his nearest advisers are considered. The recent persecutions of the Protestants in France afforded an example which James would doubtless have followed, the moment he found that he might with safety adopt such a course, an assertion for which we have the authority of Barillon: "On feroit ici," he observes in a despatch to Louis, " ce qui se fait en France, si l'on pouvoit espérer de réussir." (vol. ii. p. 127.) Amongst other schemes suggested to the king by the more zealous Catholics, was that of converting the Princess Anne to the faith of Rome: and of altering the succession in her favour. This design was contemplated so early as the month of March, 1685, as appears from a letter of Barillon to his master, dated on the 12th of that month, overlooked by Mr. Fox, and unknown to other historians. (vol. i. p. 417.) Of the intemperate zeal with which James followed up his designs, some other instances are given in the volumes before us, unnoticed by our own native writers. The king had promoted by every means in his power the establishment of chapels for the use of the Catholics. Encouraged by the favour shown at court to these establishments, the minister of the Elector Palatine, an English Catholic, began to build a chapel of his own in the city. This attempt immediately attracted the attention of the Lord Mayor, who, accompanied by the sheriffs, visited the new building, and forbade the workmen to continue their labours. The Elector Palatine himself, being informed of the opposition made to his agent's proceedings, addressed a letter to the king, stating that he was unwilling to be the cause of any popular disturbance, and that he had commanded his minister to build the chapel in a place less exposed to public observation. "Mais le roi," says Barillon," se moqua de la lettre de l'Electeur, comme indigne d'un prince Catholique, et fit continuer les travaux." The consequence naturally was, that the opening of the chapel occasioned a formidable riot. Another instance of the king's want of discretion occurred about the same time. The French ambassador had represented to him that a seditious pamphlet, injurious to the reputation of his master, had been introduced into this country, and intreated that it might be ordered to be burnt by the hangman. The matter was debated in council, and even Jefferies submitted to the king, that it would be somewhat extraordinary to burn a work written in French 292 and printed in Holland, containing nothing injurious to England. In answer to this remonstrance the king made use of a popular figure of speech, which, as M. Mazure observes," it would be difficult to express with any dignity." "Dogs defend each other, when one of them is attacked. Kings ought to do as much. I have other reasons for not suffering a libel of this kind against the king of France." | pressed himself in terms of great satisfaction with this ceremony, to the French ambassador. 'The king, your master,' said he to Barillon, 'will doubtless feel great pleasure on hearing that a Catholic prelate has been publicly consecrated at my court;' and on quitting him, he added, 'You see that I omit nothing in my power. I hope that the king your master will assist me, and that we shall in concert do great things for religion." "-vol. ii. p. 239. No answer was made to this, "but," adds Barillon," some persons were desirous of stat- It cannot be alleged in excuse of James that eting, that as the book in question was princi- he was not aware of the fatal consequences of pally directed against the revocation of the his measures. He early foresaw and prepared Edict of Nantes, it would give the king's ene- for the struggle into which he knew that his mies the power of saying that he approved of outraged subjects must be plunged. Some sinthe persecution of the Protestants." "No-gular proofs of this fact are given by M. Mathing," continues the ambassador, "has pro- zure, drawn from the correspondence of Barilduced so great an impression since the king lon and Bonrepaus, and unknown to our own came to the throne." The conduct of the historians. Besides making preparations for French monarch on this occasion was curious- war in Ireland, (of which we shall speak herely contrasted with that of our own sovereign. after,) James had early in 1687 begun to fortiHe blamed the officious zeal which had led Ba-fy Portsmouth, from an evident apprehension rillon to demand the suppression of the libel in of civil disturbances. During the king's proEngland, and exhibited a good sense on the gress into the west, in which Bonrepaus, the subject well worthy of the imitation of later French envoy, accompanied him, the royal party visited Portsmouth, and on the envoy expressing his admiration of the manner in which the town was fortified, and of the impossibility of annoying it from the sea monarchs. "I desire," said he to his ambassador, "that you will take no step to procure this piece to be burnt, or to prevent its being translated into English. Books of this kind usually lose their credit from the little attention paid to them, and are only sought after in consequence of the pains taken to suppress them." Not only did James outstrip the French king in zeal, but displayed a greater eagerness to promote the Catholic faith than even the Holy See itself. He had long been desirous that Count D'Adda, the Pope's Nuncio, a young man who had before resided at the English court in a secular capacity, should assume his ecclesiastical habit; but the Nuncio, having a regard at once to his safety and to his appearance, for some time resisted the king's pious importunities. At length James, who thought it somewhat scandalous that the Emperor of Morocco should have an envoy publicly accredited at his court, while the Head of all Christendom was not permitted to send any ostensible representative, prevailed upon the Nuncio to be consecrated archbishop in partibus of Amasia, at the chapel of St. James's, and to make a public entry into Windsor. The king afterwards found, as he tells us in his Memoirs, that it would have been more prudent to have waived "this outward ostentation;" but despising the consequences, he resolved that the ceremony should be performed with all due solemnity. M. Mazure has given a curious account of this transaction from the letters of Barillon. "The ceremony was publicly performed amidst a concourse of English of all persuasions. At night after supper, the Nuncio made his appearance in the queen's apartments in his episcopal dress. The king and queen went upon their knees to him. 'This,' says Barillon in a note in cypher, 'gave great surprise to many persons who have never seen other monarchs ask for the Nuncio's benediction. His Britannic majesty remarked this, and said that it was not as nuncio but as archbishop that hie benediction was required.' James II. ex "The precautions," said the king, "are not against the bombs which may be discharged from the sea, but entirely against the land side; and it is my firm intention to put the fortifications of Portsmouth in such a state that I shall have no apprehension of being insulted in it." Bonrepaus adds, that in all conversations which had taken place between the king and himself, he perceived that James had no intention of employing his navy, and that, on the contrary, in all his proceedings his object was to fortify himself on land against his subjects. (Mazure, vol. ii. p. 283.) It should not be forgotten that this letter of the French envoy was written before the trial of the Seven Bishops, and before the people manifested any of those indubitable signs of resistance which might have justified such a jealousy. The policy pursued by James with regard to Ireland is fully developed in the correspondence of the French ministers. From the commencement of his reign he had employed himself in putting that island into such a state, that, should he be driven from his English dominions, he might find a refuge amongst his Irish subjects. Of this fact, an incontestable proof remains in the French archives, in the shape of a report on the military strength of that country made by Lord Dartmouth, who received a commission for that purpose from the king. "To complete what relates to Ireland," says our author, "James II., at the very beginning of his reign, had a survey made of all the military fortifications of that island by Lord Dartmouth, Master-general of the Ordnance. His report, which is now before us, proves the existence of an express plan of wresting the preponderance from the English, and of establishing in Ireland a system of defence for a hypothesis which was afterwards realized; namely, the necessity of the king's taking refuge amongst the Irish Catholics. The same plan |