as it appears in company of several charges like these, "To Jack Straw, one coat, by a note To Wamascus' Son, two wolves, two coats, It may be fairly inferred that the Sagamore hesitated not to put his dignity, so far as he was known, on a level, in the eyes of the English, with the lowest of his countrymen. The John and James died about the same time, in 1633, of a mortal epidemic then prevalent among the Massachusetts Indians. Hubbard says, that both promised, if they recovered from their sickness, to live with the English and serve their God. reason why John, at least, had not already taken such a course, may be gathered from some expressions in that curious tract, NEW ENGLAND'S FIRST FRUITS, which we cite the more willingly because it places the character of John in its true light. 66 Sagamore John," says the learned author, "Prince of Massaquesetts, was from our very first landing, more courteous, ingenious, and to the English more loving than others of them; he desired to learne and speake our language, and loved to imitate us in our behaviour and apparell, and began to hearken after our God and his ways. * * And did resolve and promise to leave the Indians and come live with us; but yet, kept down by feare of the scoffin of the Indians, had not power to make good his purpose, &c.” The same writer thus refers to the poor Sagamore's last moments. Being struck with death, we are told, he began fearfully to reproach himself that he had not lived with the English, and known their God. "But now," he added, "I must die. The God of the English is much angry with me, and will destroy me. Ah! I was afraid of the scoffs of these wicked Indians. But my child shall live with the English, to know their God, when I am dead. I'll give him to Mr. Wilson-he much good man, and much love me." Mr. Wilson, (clergyman at Boston,) was accordingly sent for, and when he attended, as he did promptly, the Sagamore "committed his only child to his care, and so died."-In confirmation of this honorable testimony, the author of the WONDER WORKING PROVIDENCE may be cited. He observes, that the English clergymen were much moved to see the Indians depart this life without the knowledge of God in Christ, "and therefore were very frequent among them, for all the Noysomness of their Disease, entering their Wigwams, and exhorting them in the name of the Lord." John is said to have given some good hopes, as being always very courteous to them. Then follows the request to Mr. Wilson: "Quoth hee, 'by and by mee Mattamoy, [dead]-may bee my sons live-you take them to teach much to know God." Mr. Cotton, himself a preacher also at Boston, at the same period, and probably an eye-witness, furnishes a more particular and interesting account of this scene, with which we shall conclude our notice. "At our first coming hither John Sagamore was the chiefest Sachim in these parts. He falling sick, our Pastor Mr. Wilson hearing of it (and being of some acquaintance with him) went to visit him, taking one of the deacons of our Church with him, and withall, a little Mithridate and strong water. When he came to his lodging, (which they call a Wigwam) hearing a noyse within, hee looked over the mat of the door, to discerne what it meant, and saw many Indians gathered together, and some Powwaws amongst them, who are their Priests, Physitians, and Witches. They by course spake earnestly to the sick Sagamore, and to his disease, (in a way of charming of it and him) * Johnson speaks as if there were several sons, and therein is clearly incorrect. Mr. Cotton is much better authority in this case. and one to another in a kind of Antiphonies. When they had done, all kept silence, our Pastour went in with the Deacon, and found the man farre spent, his eyes set in his head, his speech leaving him, his mother (old Squaw-Sachim) sitting weeping at his bed's head. Well (saith our Pastour) our God save Sagamore John, Powwaw Cram (that is, kill) Sagamore John; and thereupon hee fell to prayer with his Deacon, and after prayer forced into the sick man's mouth with a spoon, a little Mithridate dissolved in the strong water; soon after the Sagamore looked up, and three dayes after went abroad on hunting. This providence so farre prevailed with the Sagamore, that he promised to look after the English man's God, to heare their sermons, to weare English apparell, &c. But his neighbor Indians, Sagamores, and Powwaws, hearing of this, threatened to Cram him (that is, to kill him) if he did so degenerate from his Countrey Gods, and Religion, he thereupon fell off, and took up his Indian course of life again. Whatsoever facility may seeme to offer itself of the conversion of the Indians, it is not so easie a matter for them to hold out, no not in a semblance of profession of the true Religion. Afterwards God struck John Sagamore againe, (and as I remember with the Small Pox :) but then when they desired like succour from our Pastour as before, he told them now the Lord was angry with Sagamore John, and it was doubtful hee would not so easily be intreated. The Sagamore blamed himself and justified God, and confessed, he should not have been discouraged by their threats from seeking our God: for those Sagamores and Powwaws who did most terrifie him, hee had seene God sweeping them away by death, before himself, in a short time after. And therefore, when hee saw hee must die (for he died of that sickness) he left his sonne to the education of our Pastour, that he might keep closer to the English, and to their God, than himself had done. But his sonne also died of the same disease soon after."* *THE WAY OF CONGREGATIONAL CHURCHES CLEARED: London, 1648. Another Sachem carried off by the pestilence wa CHICKATABOT, otherwise called Chickataubut and Chickatalbott; and whose name, under the form of Chickatabak, is appended with those of eight other sachems, to the deed of submission to King James, dated 1622, which has already been mentioned in the life of Massasoit. Some writers call him the Chief Sachem of the Massachusetts. But so Sagamore John, and his mother, if not some others, were vaguely entitled; nor can any thing more be inferred from the expressions, we conceive, than that he was one of the principal chiefs. That conclusion might be drawn also from the fact, that when the English first knew him (in 1621,) he was at war with the Squaw-Sachem of Medford. No doubt he had been subject to her husband, and probably she was now struggling to continue and enforce the dominion.* The same causes which enabled Chickatabot and other sagamores of his section of the country, to maintain their independence of each other, probably induced them to submit so readily to whatever authority appeared able and willing to protect them. King James, Massachusetts and Plymouth, were the same to him, in this particular, with Massasoit and Canonicus; and he submitted with an equal grace to all or either, as the case might require. No doubt it *Since writing the above, we have availed ourselves of Mr. Shattuck's researches. He believes that Chickatabot was subject to Massasoit. One of his reasons is the improbability of his contending against his superior Sachem; and another, the circumstance that all his recorded conveyances of land are south of Charles River, which Mr. S. considers the southern boundary of the Massachusetts. With deference to an accurate writer, we shall leave the question without an argument-only reminding the reader that Chickatabot fought for Canonicus in 1632, that being about the time when the latter made sundry attacks on Massasoit-and also that the case of Sassacus and Uncas, (not to refer to Powhatan's history,) is a precedent exactly in point. was the influence of the Pokanoket Sachem that induced him to visit Plymouth for the purpose of subscribing the submission-which he probably neither knew nor cared any thing about, except in relation to the promised consequences of the act of signing. With the same accommodating disposition, or rather from the same necessity, he turned out with all his men, in 1632-to fight against the same Massasoit, we suppose-the Narragansett Chief, Canonicus, having 'sent for him' to that end.* This movement, together with the absence of all comment upon it in history, illustrates sufficiently the sense which, notwithstanding the submissions alluded to, both himself and his English neighbors still entertained of his independence. The Sachem took no advantage of the freedom thus silently allowed him. Nor does the liberality, and even courtesy, with which he was on all other occasions treated by the Massachusetts Government, appear to have had any other than the happiest effect upon him. On the contrary, he judged them as they judged him; and being seldom if ever suspected, was rarely exposed to suspicion by his conduct. He esteemed his own dignity at least enough to appreciate their politeness. Residing near Neponset river, in Dorchester, he made himself familiar with the settlers of Boston very soon after their arrival, and that in a manner which discredits neither of the parties. As early as March, 1631, (the settlement having commenced in the preceding September,) he went into Boston, attended by quite a company of men and women of his tribe, and carrying with him a hogshead of Indian corn as a present for the Governor. When the latter had provided a dinner for his visitors, with the much esteemed accompaniment of 'tobacco and beer,' the Sachem sent his escort all home, with the exception of one sanop and one squaw, although it rained, and the |