quiet of civil and social affairs, to trace the gorgeous hues and exciting exhibitions of camps and battle-fields. To write a history from such materials requires less genius than is requisite in most other cases, since the dull imagination that slumbers over the repose of peace and good order is aroused to action by the peals of battle and splendour of armed hosts. Yet such histories are generally sadly defective in literary taste, and of pernicious moral tendency. We esteem it among the great excellences of this volume that, though devoted to a period of fierce and violent warfare, its tales of blood and slaughter occupy but a very small portion.of the narrative. Upon scenes where the genius of a Headley would revel with the gust of a vulture, this writer dwells but briefly, and with manifestly painful distaste; and when historical fidelity compels him to detail the horrors of mutual fratricides, he so conducts the narrative that the reader is fully prepared to sympathize with his closing reflection,-" such is war." The moral influence of a history written in such a tone and spirit, is infinitely better than that exerted by the fascinating but delusive pictures of military splendour that too often emblazon the pages of history.

The same rigid method of estimating men and characters noticed in an earlier part of this history, prevails also in the history of the Revolution. Though that period presented many rare spectacles of disinterested patriotism, yet even that bright picture is not without its spots. These exceptions to the general fidelity heighten the brightness of the incorruptible ones who, despite of all disadvantages, achieved so great a work. "Exaggerated estimates," remarks our author, "of the disinterestedness and public spirit of those times, detract not a little from the real magnitude of the American Revolution; the really difficult and truly admirable thing is, to accomplish great objects by merely human means." All the agents of this great work were indeed merely men; some of them, however, were men adapted to the times, as incorruptible in virtue as they were indomitable in energy and fortitude; but there were also others who exhibited a full share of the frailties and the faults of human nature.

The power of plain truth to reduce a great story to a small one, and to strip some glorious affairs of their "patriotic rouge," is frequently illustrated in this volume. Take as an example the account of the capture of Andre. In conducting the story of Arnold's treason, the writer comes at length to the affair of the capture of the Spy. Here some account of the "neutral ground," and of the two classes of marauders that infested that region, was necessary to the proper exhibition of the narrative. We give his own words:

"The 'Cow-boys' lived within the British lines, and stole or bought cattle for the support of the British army. The rendezvous of the Skinners' was within the American lines. They professed to be great patriots, making it their ostensible business to plunder those who refused to take the oath of allegiance to the State of New-York. But they were ready, in fact, to rob anybody; and the cattle thus obtained were often sold to the Cowboys in exchange for goods brought from New-York. By a State law, all cattle driven toward the city were lawful plunder when beyond a certain line; and a general authority was given to anybody to arrest suspicious travellers."-Vol. iii, pp. 321, 322.

After this preparatory statement of the singular state of things out of which that important affair grew, he proceeds with the narrative:

"The road to Tarrytown on which Andre was travelling, was watched that morning by a small party on the lookout for cattle or travellers; and just as Andre approached the village, while passing a small brook, a man sprang from among the bushes and seized the bridle of his horse. He was immediately joined by two others: and Andre, in the confusion of the moment, deceived by the answers of his captors, who professed to belong to the Lower or British party, instead of producing his pass, avowed himself a British officer, on business of the highest importance. Discovering his mistake, he offered them his watch, his purse, anything they might name, if they would suffer him to proceed. His offers were rejected; he was searched, suspicious papers were found in his stockings, and he was carried before Colonel Jamison, the commanding officer on the lines.”—Vol. iii, p. 322.

How unlike the story of the disinterested patriotism and stern contempt of poverty of these "three young farmers," must be evident to every reader. The introduction of the name of Major Talmadge in the next paragraph, suggests a suspicion that the historian has seen a statement of this whole affair, made by that gentleman some years afterwards on the floor of the House of Representatives.

An interesting feature of this part of our history is the case of those who retained their attachment to the British crown,-a class always respectable in numbers, and still more so in wealth and intelligence. Partisan zeal has stigmatized them to a most unjust odium, and few have been found to plead the cause of a depressed and defeated party. Our author has dealt more liberally with them than has generally been done, and, while fully sympathizing with the cause they opposed, he is nevertheless just to them in their mistaken choice and course of action. At the beginning of the Revolution, out of New-England and Virginia, comparatively few who had much to lose were willing to pledge all upon the issue of a war with England; and a lingering affection for the mother country withheld many a patriotic heart from going to the extremities of civil war and independence. But the current of affairs bore everything before it, and compelled every man to choose one of the extremes as the

only practicable alternative. Thus many strong loyalists became active supporters of the American cause, and some, who had cooperated with the movements that were now ripening into rebellion, drew back when the tendency to that extreme became manifest. Previous to the Declaration of Independence the loyalists were the party of "law and order;" but that act reversed the position of things and exposed them to great embarrassments. On this point our

"In the position of that considerable class of persons who had remained in doubt, the Declaration of Independence and the assumption of state government made a decided change. It was now necessary to choose one side or the other. Very serious, too, was the change in the legal position of the class known as Tories,-in many of the States a very large minority, and in ali respectable for wealth and social position. Of those thus stigmatized, some were inclined to favour the utmost claims of the mother country; but the greater part, though determined to adhere to the British connexion, yet deprecated the policy which had brought on so fatal a quarrel. This loyal minority, especially its more conspicuous members, as the warmth of political feeling increased, had been exposed to the violence of mobs, and to all sorts of personal indignities, in which private malice, or a wanton and insolent spirit of mischief, had been too often gratified under the disguise of patriotism.”—Vol. iii, pp. 137–8.

The fate of the American loyalists in the Northern States was a hard one. Their property was confiscated, their persons and families were exposed to every form of indignity and insult, and at last they were driven out into exile among the snows and forests of Nova Scotia. For their sacrifices they were very inadequately recompensed by the British government, though at length the rigour of the confiscating laws of the States was relaxed, and many regained much of their former possessions; and, a better feeling towards them beginning to prevail, many returned to enjoy the protection of the government they had at first opposed. Among the descendants of these are some of our most valuable and patriotic citizens.

The domestic and civil affairs of the country during the war of the Revolution occupy a large portion of the volume under review. The exhibition is full of curious and painful interest. The expense of the war to the public treasury amounted to seventy millions of dollars,—a sum equal to twenty times that amount at this time, in proportion to the resources of the country at the two periods. Every form of productive industry was paralyzed;-towns were burned, the inhabitants robbed and plundered, and a wide-spread ruin pervaded the land. During the former part of this period the attempt was made to replenish the exhausted exchequer by the issue of paper money. The Continental Congress alone emitted the nominal sum of two hundred millions, and a still greater amount was FOURTH SERIES, VOL. II.-28

issued by the several States. In vain did the legislatures endeavour to prop up this kind of currency; it necessarily declined in value inversely and geometrically as its amount was increased, till at length it became utterly valueless,—a terrible example of the futility and iniquity of all attempts to create a fictitious circulating medium.

As to the author's political and religious sentiments, we are left to make up our estimate from incidental remarks, and the general tone of his observations. He is evidently not an ultraist in either of these points, and he seems carefully to avoid all appearance of a design to dictate opinions to his readers. In politics he seems to be at once progressive and conservative. In detailing the history of the formation of the Federal Constitution he clearly shows, as historical fidelity required him to do, that national consolidation was the ruling design of the framers of that instrument; and if, as the mode of making his statements indicates, such a view is most congenial to his judgment and feelings, we honour him the more on that account. His views of religious liberty seem at times to verge almost to licentiousness; and, if reduced to practice, would, we fear, be incompatible with public morals. Yet there is no apparent sympathy with immorality, but he insinuates a doubt as to the lawfulness of compelling persons to refrain from offending against the moral and religious sentiments of the great mass of the people among whom they reside,-a doubt that we do not entertain.

Upon theological and ecclesiastic questions he is even more reserved than elsewhere. He does not pronounce the shibboleth of the "orthodox," nor yet employ the dialect of the theosophists of the learned city in which he resides.. Theological and ecclesiastical questions are discussed sparingly; and while all opinions and sects are treated respectfully, none is set up above others as the only true and right. His remarks on the prevailing latitudinarianism that preceded the great apostasy in the churches of Massachusetts, suggest the suspicion that his own religious notions are not high-toned; and these considerations, added to the fact that he gravely alludes to the pretended Apostolical Succession as a reality, enable one to fix his denominational locality with a good degree of certainty.

But we must hasten to close our observations upon this work, the examination of which has afforded us a high degree of satisfaction. We esteem it the most valuable contribution ever made to our domestic historical literature, and confidently expect that it will hereafter be known as the "History of the United States." It embraces the whole subject with all necessary fulness, and yet without prolixity. It presents the history of the country,-its people, its social, religious, and industrial affairs, as well as its political and military

operations. It is the history for our academies and colleges, for our family libraries, and for the study of the man of leisure. In its merely literary character it occupies an elevated place. We have already commended its general plan and structure, and could say much more, if it were necessary. The prevailing characteristics of the style are compactness and perspicuity. It has very few embellishments, as the necessary brevity of the statements forbids their introduction; and this, with other distinguishing properties of the work, gives the style an appearance of dryness, that may seem, to such as are not interested in the matter, very much like dulness. With mere loungers in literature, the work will not be likely to become a favourite. There are also occasional appearances of carelessness of manner,-cases of false syntax, or the use of quaint and inelegant terms, or the introduction of provincialisms, that should have been avoided. But these faults are few and unimportant; while, as a whole, the style is pure and nervous Saxon.

We take leave of the subject by repeating the expression of our satisfaction that such a work is written, and by acknowledging the obligation of the public to the author for its production,—and to the publishers for the style of the mechanical execution of their part of the work, which is only such as befits its high literary character. The success of the work is certain, and its influence will be salutary.

ART. VI.-THE SCOTTISH CLERGY.

Our Scottish Clergy: Fifty-two Sketches, Biographical, Theological, and Critical, including Clergymen of all Denominations. Edited by JOHN SMITH, A. M., Author of "Sacred Biography," &c. Second thousand. Edinburgh. 1848. 8vo., pp. 400. THERE is a chapter in the history of modern civilization which remains yet unwritten, and which perhaps never can be written by an uninspired pen. It is the relation of the Pulpit to the existing form of civilization. The general influence of Christianity on the progress of society will be questioned by few; and the agency of the Church as a vast organic element in modern civilization, either for good or evil, is admitted by all. The influence of Christianity is that of a silent system of truth, diffused like some imponderable fluid through the masses, and working, unseen, its stupendous results. The action of the Church is that of a mighty receiver, collecting in its compact and powerful organization this unseen agency for more direct