ple, so that to some of us there may be truth in the old Greek proverb, "The half is greater than the whole." Some of the arrangements of the new Exhibition seem to us very defective, such as the want of places of exit, in a very large extent of the building. The permanent success of the undertaking will depend not on the character of the collections, but on the enterprise shown in supplementing and varying these from time to time. The decision of the United States Supreme Court that the money advanced by Congress must be paid out of the receipts of the Centennial Exhibition, has to some extent diminished the resources of the Permanent Exhibition, as the subscription to it in Centennial stock was thus considerably lowered in value. This decision was a disappointment, but it was received with a quiet dignity by our city and the friends of the Exhibition. On the other hand, it was received with evident glee in New York, and at once urged as a reason why Congress should vote a handsome appropriation to secure a good representation of the United States at Paris! That is to say, the national authorities, after throwing the whole burden of our own Exhibition upon the people of our own and of two adjacent States, should vote the money it repaid into the Treasury, to contribute to the success of the French Exhibition at Paris; and that although our own was so splendidly successful that the English papers warned the French against challenging a comparison with it by holding theirs so soon after its close. Neither were the relations of the French Government and people to our Centennial celebration, such as to call for any outlay on our part in return. Of all the visitors to America during the Centennial Year, they behaved the worst, and least conciliated the popular regard. The slanderous letter sent home by the French Commissioner, was but an extreme instance of the discourtesy received at every step from our former allies; and the accounts of our country published by our French visitors since their return, might stand on the same shelf with Mrs. Trollope and others of our earlier commentators. The reason of this was that the French notion of the American Revolution is best depicted by the picture in the Tuileries, which represents both Cornwallis and Washington surrendering to Count Rochambeau! They came here expecting to celebrate the achievements of France, rather than the inauguration of a great Teutonic nationality with but little in common with France. And instead of being assigned the first place at the feast, they had not even the second, for it was given to the Mother Country, whose closeness of kin, continuity of intercourse, and warm regard for our achievements, as well as her incomparable exhibit, entitled her to the place of honor. Blood is thicker than water. Hinc illæ lacrymæ. WE were not aware, when writing last month of Dr. Crosby's new temperance movement, that a similar movement had previously originated with the Episcopal Church Congress of this country. We gather so much from some temperate tracts on temperance sent us from New York, which we can recommend to those who feel an intelligent interest in the subject. THE University of Pennsylvania has taken a step in the right direction as regards medical education. Its Trustees have voted to adopt the European system of a lengthened course of study with strict examination at the end of each year, conducted by others than the professors of the branch examined upon. Such a change is greatly needed, for the present method, if not, as some one has savagely said, merely "a decent way of selling a diploma," is yet obviously defective and unsuitable to the purpose in view. The difficulty in changing it arises from the fact that our medical faculties, even when nominally constituting an integral part of our universities, are in fact corporations all but independent of control. They manage their own finances, fix their own course of study, and distribute the fees among their members after paying expenses. That they have not fallen to the level of mere mercantile institutions trading in degrees, is due to the high ethical standard of the medical profession, one of the highest that exists among us. But some of the so-called medical colleges and universities, notably one in our own city, are simply diploma-shops; and the bad basis on which the really good schools stand does much to prevent these from being crushed out of existence by the proper regulation of the whole matter of medical education. The European system has been urgently recommended for adoption by all the great medical authorities and associations, and has been adopted in the comparatively new medical Faculty of Harvard University with the best results, and also in the still younger medical Faculty of Lincoln University for colored students, near Oxford, in Chester county. But the University of Pennsylvania is the first of the institutions which, after having been long established As might be expected, the new measures encountered the oppo- THE PHILOSOPHICAL METHOD OF POLITICAL [The following note from Prof. Cliffe Leslie speaks for itself: To the Editor of the Penn Monthly.-Sir: As you have given publication in the PENN MONTHLY for this month to a translation The aim and argument of my essay have been completely misconceived, and are "The phenomenon of wealth may be made," [etc. v. infra.] T. E. CLIFFE Leslie. We have omitted the quotation made by Prof. Cliffe Leslie, be- a permanent value, and represents a real advance in the development of economic science.] Adam Smith called his famous treatise an inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations. Mr. Senior defines political economy as the science which treats of the nature, the production, and the distribution of wealth. The definition in Mr. Mill's Principles of Political Economy is similar, though broader: "Writers on political economy profess to teach or to investigate the nature of wealth, and the laws of its production and distribution; including, directly or remotely, the operation of all the causes by which the condition of mankind, or of any society of human beings, in respect to this universal object of desire, is made prosperous or the reverse." These definitions sufficiently indicate the character of the problem of political economy-namely to investigate the nature, the amount, and the distribution of wealth in human society, and the laws of coexistence and sequence discoverable in this class of social phenomena. The solution offered by the method hitherto chiefly followed by English economists-know as the abstract, à priori, and deductive method-may be briefly stated as follows. The nature of wealth is explained by defining it as comprising all things which are objects of human desire, limited in supply, and valuable in exchange. Of the causes governing its amount and distribution the chief exposition is, that the desire of wealth naturally leads, where security and liberty exist, to labor, accumulation of capital, appropriation of land, separation of employments, commerce, and the use of money; whence a continual increase in the total stock of wealth, and its distribution in wages, profit, rent, and the prices of products, in proportion to the labor, sacrifice, amount of capital, and quantity and quality of land, contributed by each individual to production. It is added that, inasmuch as human fecundity tends to augment population in a geometrical ratio, while the productiveness of the soil is limited, the proportion of rent to wages and profit tends to increase in the progress of society. This theory, it is here submitted, is illusory as a solution of the problem. It throws, in the first place, hardly any light on the nature of wealth. There is a multitude of different kinds of wealth, differing widely in their economic effects. Land, houses, furniture, clothing, implements, arms, ornaments, animals, corn, wine, money, pictures, statues, books, are but a few of the different kinds of |