HAMILTON'S TABLE OF CONTENTS. 1xxv LVIII. The same subject continued in relation to the future augmentation of the members, LXI. The same subject continued and concluded, LXII. Concerning the constitution of the Senate, with regard to the qualifications of the members, the manner of appointing them, the equality of representation, the number of the senators, and the duration of their appointments, LXIII. A further view of the constitution of the Senate, in regard to the duration of the appointment LXIV. A further view of the constitution of the Senate, in regard to the power of making treaties, LXV. A further view of the constitution of the Senate, LXVI. LXVIII. . Concerning the constitution of the President: A gross attempt to misrepresent this part of The view of the constitution of the President LXIX. The same view continued, with a comparison between the President and the king of Great Britain on the one hand, and the governor of The same view continued in relation to the unity of the executive, and with an examina- tion of the project of an executive council, 466 LXXI. The same view continued, in regard to the dura- LXX. tion of the office, LXXIV. 511 LXXVIII A view of the constitution of the judicial depart- 517 LXXV. LXXVI. The same view continued in relation to the ap- pointment of the officers of the government, 505 LXXVII. The view of the constitution of the President The same view continued in relation to the LXXIX. A further view of the judicial department, in re- lation to the provisions for the support and LXXX. A further view of the judicial department, in re- lation to the extent of its powers, LXXXII. A further view of the judicial department, in reference to some miscellaneous questions, 550 LXXXIII. A further view of the judicial department in re- PREFACE. It is supposed that a collection of the papers which have made their appearance in the gazettes of this city, under the title of The Federalist, may not be without effect in assisting the public judgment on the momentous question of the constitution for the United States, now under the consideration of the people of America. A desire to throw full light upon so interesting a subject has led, in a great measure unavoidably, to a more copious discussion than was at first intended. And the undertaking not being yet completed, it is judged advisable to divide the collection into two volumes, of which the ensuing numbers constitute the first. The second volume will follow as speedily as the editor can get it ready for publication. The particular circumstances under which these papers have been written, have rendered it impracticable to avoid violations of method and repetitions of ideas which cannot but displease a critical reader. The latter defect has even been intentionally indulged, in order the better to impress particular arguments which were most material to the general scope of the reasoning. Respect for public opinion, not anxiety for the literary character of the performance, dictates this remark. The great wish is that it may promote the cause of truth and lead to a right judgment of the true interests of the community. NEW YORK, March 17, 1788. THE FEDERALIST. No. I. (Independent Journal, October 27, 1787.) INTRODUCTION. Hamilton. Utility of the Union-Inefficiency of confederation-Capacity of people for self-government-Opposition of state officials to new constitution-Honest differences of opinion-Political intolerance-Charges and counter charges-Publius a supporter of the proposed constitution-Outline of The Federalist—National sentiment for Union. To the People of the State of New York: After an unequivocal experience of the inefficiency of the subsisting federal government, you are called upon to deliberate on a new Constitution for the United States of America. The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences nothing less than the existence of the UNION, the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire in many respects the most interesting in the world. It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety be regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind. This idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those of patriotism, to heighten the solicitude which |