IF F THE government in Berlin intended by its drastic treatment of Karl Liebknecht, lately forced to go from the Reichstag to the army, to check the pacifism of the Socialists, the blunder was monumental. This is the verdict not only of Socialist organs in Europe generally but of that portion of the party press which still speaks its mind in the fatherland. French organs may attach too much importance to the attitude of Liebknecht. Nevertheless, so a careful correspondent of the London Post observes, this opposition is reacting on the ministerial situation in France, which has a cabinet in which the Socialists are well represented, and it has precipitated a scene in the Russian Duma, to say nothing of the agitation of the party in Italy. European dailies neglect for the moment the workings of the inner crisis in Socialism, as revealed by the events of the exciting congress in London, which nearly ended in disorder. Attention is directed instead to what is expected to happen in Germany during this coming May and June. Scarcity of food may intensify the anti-war movement among the Socialists and bring to a head the conflict between the faction headed by Liebknecht and the faction which stands for a united Germany against the world. The episode may, it is hinted, bring on riots in Berlin before it is closed.

Stormy Scenes at the Socialist Congress.

DETAILS hitherto undisclosed relative to the disor

ders during the private session of the International Socialist Conference in London indicate a breach between the "comrades" in England and the "comrades" in France. Delegates Sembat and Guesde, now such strong pillars of the Viviani ministry, had, by a motion, laid full blame for the Belgian atrocities on Germany, says the London Telegraph, and severely censured Prussian militarism and the violation of neutral states. When this motion was introduced, the French delegates were amazed to hear violent protests from the British comrades. The confusion became greater when the British delegates intimated that the violation of Belgium is not "scientifically proved." Delegate Vaillant, dean of the French party, then bitterly denounced the British Socialists. To prevent a dissolution of the conference in disorder, the French agreed upon a compromize and the offending sentences were expunged. Both Sembat and Guesde are said to have expressed themselves privately to deputies in the Chamber at Paris when they got home to the effect that British Socialists are strangely under German influence. Premier Viviani, fearing the effect of the incident upon the Russian mind -in view of the Socialist strength in his own ministrymade a ringing speech about Belgium to the chamber. Sembat and Guesde were "by no means the last to join in the cheers" that greeted him; but official Russia is reported in the London daily to be uneasy regarding the fidelity of the Socialists to the allies. There have been intimations in the Petrograd official circle that French Socialists as well as British Socialists are under the influence of German Socialists. "Information from Petrograd leaves no doubt that the incident has produced a deep impression there, owing to its obvious

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bearings on a number of vital problems which it is to the common interest to have clearly stated and rightly solved."

Importance of the Split in European Socialism. NTIL the serious cleavage in the Socialist party of

UNTIL

Germany attains its logical effect, the crisis in other countries can scarcely alter the international situation, the Paris Humanité admits. It matters little, hence, that in Russia the Socialists are now in two armed camps. There are the revolutionaries who, as the London Post explains, declare that "Kaiserism" is a deadly form of absolutism and that the war is an opportunity to end it. They anticipate profound changes in Russia after the German autocracy has gone. But the Russian Social Democrats think advantage should be taken of the war to extort from the Petrograd government in its weakened state the reforms they want. Both these groups in Russia repudiate the German Socialist pretension that Berlin is simply crushing Czarism. Russian Socialists point out, says the competent authority in the English paper, that they have never asked for this German help and that they do not seek it at the expense of the overthrow of the two great constitutional nations, Great Britain and France. This breach between Russian Socialism and German Socialism is a little less wide just now owing to the strength developed by the agitation led by Karl Liebknecht. Turning to Socialism in England, we find the movement there in fierce division. There is what our London contemporary calls the “extreme party" for which Ramsay Macdonald and Keir Hardie stand, in opposition to all war as such. They are accused of being ready to make peace to-day with Germany on any terms at all. They even argue privately, it is said, that the Englishman who refuses to enlist is serving his country by helping to make the continuance of the war an impossibility. The militant section, led by Arthur Henderson, and including the majority of the laborites in the Commons, believe in waging the war until "Kaiserism" is crushed.

WA

Where German Socialism Stands on the War. AR had barely broken out in Europe last summer when the German Socialist Democratic Party, so strong in the Reichstag, emancipated itself entirely from the internationalist dogma. It identified itself so completely with the Berlin government to incur, observes the London Post, the repudiation of the Socialists of all other countries, whether belligerent or neutral. The Rome Avanti and the Paris Humanité are to-day modifying the first rigor of their attitude on this point as the movement led by Karl Liebknecht grows better defined. They realize the peril to Socialism of a loss of its international character and the risk of a merely sectional agitation, with its accompanying menace to the purity of collectivist faith. A chorus of Socialist newspaper praise outside of Germany greeted the protest of Karl Liebknecht against the war. He was said to be the leader of a secret movement in favor of peace. His crusade is having the effect of rallying a respectable Socialist minority around him, altho he was disavowed

officially by the party group in the Reichstag itself. The majority remained nationalistic and the support it received from the government has rendered its control of the party majority easier. There was no such unanimity in the Socialist press of Germany, notwithstanding the energy of the censor in dealing with the Berlin Vorwärts and other Socialist papers. The controversy tends to embroil all the leaders. Karl Kautsky and Eduard Bernstein agree that the Socialist party in Germany is becoming somewhat imperialistic and they deplore the tendency. Kautsky has been somewhat vague, however, in his utterances and what he says is quoted by both sides as favoring each. He is said to agree with Karl Liebknecht that Socialism alone can end the war on an international basis, leaving no conqueror and no conquered. Bernstein is even defending French Socialists in the Bremer Bürgerzeitung thus:

"The Socialists of France are in quite a different situation from that of the Socialists of Germany. War was declared against their own country. Important parts of their native land are occupied by the German troops. This renders it quite intelligible why they can not, without prejudicing the future of their country, express any desire for peace."

which will separate the Socialists into two most unequal sections. The larger section, whose views were promulgated by Herr Wolfgang Heine a few days ago, is confident that the present war will end in triumph for Germany. It believes that the result of the German victory will be the creation of a new constellation of States in which Germany will occupy the leading position, and that in this new position the policy of the Empire must be very different from what it was before the war. It also cherishes the fond belief that the task of the Socialist Party will then be to assist the Government to remodel its policy on democratic principles. That is to say, the Socialists offer to become a Government party! A more complete collapse of what has heretofore been considered to be a great party working for a great cause cannot well be imagined."

By the time our next presidential change comes around we may be able to hire a second-hand King at bargain prices.-Philadelphia Ledger.

We take it that Constantinople doesn't believe the report that there is a shortage of ammunition among the warring forces of Europe.-Detroit Free Press.

What Karl Liebknecht Wishes
to Accomplish.

BEHIND the banishment of Karl Liebknecht from the political arena in the fatherland is a Socialist agitation differently interpreted in various European newspapers. He had reached the conviction, according to the Tribuna of Rome, that a concerted movement of the Socialists in the old world generally would bring peace. He converted the leaders of the movement in England to some extent, a fact explaining the episodes at the London conference. He won over important Socialist elements in Germany, a fact explaining the attitude of some of the party organs in the fatherland. The German government is not opposed to agitation for peace as such, but it deems the tendencies of the Liebknecht movement subversive of imperial policy. He wants no conquest, altho the Volkszeitung (Leip-zig) says some Socialist leaders in Germany have been won over to the policy of conquest. The Socialist masses, on the other hand, are coming over rather gradually to the view disseminated by Liebknecht that this war is a manifestation of imperialism, or so the Paris Humanité suspects. It is the impression of the London Post that the German Socialists will not in the end go with Liebknecht. It says:

"Great efforts are being made to prevent public controversy on the subject, but all indications point to a cleavage

T

HE Chief of Staff of the United States Army goes out into the wilds, unarmed, to meet Chiefs of the "bad" Piute Indians on the warpath. Lo, they at once lay down their arms and decide to come along with him on a joy-ride by pony, motor car and rail until they reach the jails and courts which, as he promises, will deal out white man's justice to them! This kind of a "victory" won by BrigadierGeneral Hugh Lenox Scott a few weeks ago has caught the popular American fancy and produced a species of hero worship in the newspapers which would doubtless be the last thing the modest, unselfassertive general would think of courting. He had made a record of similar successes before in the West, in our colonial possessions, and even in Mexico, and that sort of thing is all in the day's work for him. That he is now Chief of Staff of the American army did not seem to occur to him as presenting any reason for his not getting down to a little task that undoubtedly nobody else in the Army Establishment knew quite so well how to handle.

"The masters, lords and rulers in all lands, particularly the diplomats, really ought to study General Scott's methods," says the Chicago Herald: "It may savor of shirt-sleeves diplo

macy. But it does the work." General Scott's way is the right way, observes the Springfield Republican, the continent of Europe to the contrary notwithstanding. "Are white men less accessible to reason than red men?" queries the Pittsburgh Dispatch. The Chicago Evening Post suggests to the Commander-in-Chief of the United States Army that "he detach General Hugh L. Scott on special service as ambassador, far out of the ordinary, to the Empire of Japan." "His career would make improving study for the hasty hotbloods in uniform who spend their days in a perpetual state of 'take aim,' remarks the Louisville Courier-Journal

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General Scott's laconic official message to the Secretary of War read: "Successful. Have four Piutes desired by Marshal Nebeker and am, at their desire, personally conducting them to Salt Lake to turn them over to Marshal Nebeker. Am leaving everything peaceable behind us in Southern Utah."

To which the Secretary of War wired back: "I heartily congratulate you on obtaining success in circumstances which seemed to make it impossible. I appreciate your work in the highest degree."

This interchange occurred ten days after the General, with four companions but without a gun in the party, had started off on mountain trail from Bluff. The previous attempts of the marshal's posse to arrest one of the chief's sons for the alleged murder of a Mexican had merely resulted in the loss of several more lives on both sides.

Newspapermen pressed the General for the humanly interesting details concerning the "how" of his successful feat. They learned that friendly Navajos had gone on ahead to spread news of the General's coming. Pitching camp, he sent out a friendly Piute boy to the Piutes to say he wanted to see them. His story goes on:

"Some of them came in near where we were camped, but it was not until the third day that any dared to come to the

camp.

"Posey and four other Indians then came into camp. We talked a little through a Navajo interpreter. It was in the evening and I just asked them how they were. I told them I did not feel very well and did not want to talk to them until the next day. They helped

us kill a beef and we gave them a good meal, the first they had had for weeks. They were poorly clad and we gave them some blankets. Posey and his men did not have any weapons, but I have reason to suspect that they had hidden them in the rocks nearby.

"The next day Polk and Hatch and about twenty-five others came in to see me. I asked them to tell me their troubles. They said the cowboys had come in the daylight on horseback and surrounded them, shot their children and wounded a squaw. They said they didn't like the cowboys. It seemed they had previously had troubles with the cowboys. "Then I told them some of my troubles. I told them I shouldn't think they would like to have their children chased by soldiers and cowboys all over the mountains and killed. I told them that I wouldn't like to have my children treated that way and that I would be glad to do anything I could to stop it. I didn't try to push matters with them. I told the agents to see that they had provisions and blankets for the rest of their people and for their squaws and children. I told them that after they had thought matters over I

wanted them to tell me what they wanted to do about it. They talked together and then said they wanted to do just what I wanted them to do.

said: The Marshal wants you, and you, and you,' indicating Posey, Polk, Hatch and Posey's boy, 'to go with him to Salt Lake. The rest of you can go back to your people and go to the reservation with the agents. Is that all right?' They said it was, and, further, they said that if I said so they would all come to Salt

"Then we sat down in a circle and I

Lake.

"Then we broke camp and all rode ponies back into Bluff. We rode ahead and let the Indians follow us. They have never been ironed or shackled, never even led to believe they are prisoners. They never tried to get away. Why, I don't believe we could get rid of them if we tried. At night they have slept together and nobody has stood guard over them. All "They are perfectly harmless now. the Indians are satisfied. The whites are over their scare and there will be no more trouble from this band of Indians. These Indians are just children, easy to alarm and sometimes hard to appease. They had worked themselves up to a pitch where

they were getting very dangerous. They were attempting to get a large band of Navajos to join them in an outbreak. Where they were camped in the wild broken country near the Grand Canyon they would have been mighty hard to dislodge. It would have taken a large force of cavalry, two regiments probably, to sub

due them and it would have cost the Gov

ernment $25,000 just to get the soldiers in here."

That the Indians were given to understand that their failure to surrender would mean that if necessary the whole of the United States army would be sent against them, is not doubted. But it is characteristic of Scott that after a club banquet and university welcome in Salt Lake City, he went around to the jail to say good bye, shake hands,

and assure his Indian friends that he had been assured they would have a fair trial.

Back of all this is the long record which has made Hugh L. Scott known to the Indians as "Good-White-Father," "White-Man-Who-Does-Not-Lie," and "Mole Tequop" ("he talks with his hands"), referring to his studies and knowledge of sign language. In the 90's, on garrison duty at Fort Gill, he went out and settled numerous Indian questions, his success winning honorable mention in General Orders of the War

Department, notably in connection with excitement over the Messiah Dance. He organized and commanded for five years Troop L, Seventh Cavalry, made up of Kiowa, Comanche and Apache Indians.

From Cuba, where he became adjutant-general under General Leonard Wood, General Scott was sent as governor of the Moros in Sulu, Philippine Islands. The savage Moros secured two of the fingers of his left hand as souvenirs on one occasion, but he became fairly idolized by them before he left them, which he did finally to resume the post of Superintendent of the Military Academy at West Point. He has shown with pride an original copy of the Koran presented to him in the name of the Sultan of Sulu, and this written tribute from the chief priest:

"Other Moros who did not take his advice and would not obey his orders, they are dead; they died like beasts; for us, we are still alive. The Moros are loving

their father now, and wish to be near him; they are following his advice to plant hemp, cocoanuts, and cultivate the ground. It is our wish that our father let our names be known to all the American people, big and small, and tell them about us; how we have supported the Government.

"We trust that our father comes back again and pay us a visit, the same as Gov. Taft has done, who came to Jolo twice. May God prolong the life of our father, and may God make him great. May our father become greater and greater every year, and may he be happy and contented for ever and ever. Greetings and best wishes to my father. May he forgive us if we have ever given him a moment of displeasure."

President Wilson is said to have picked General Scott for Chief of Staff on account of personal knowledge acquired during residence in Princeton, where both families lived. He is Kentucky-born, a West Point graduate of 1876, and three years older than the President. Among his achievements was his personal conference two years ago with Generals Villa and Hill which stopped firing across the Mexican border at Naco. He had the same hypnotic influence over Villa that he had had over the Moros and Piutes. He gave the erstwhile bandit a book of tactics and told him about the rules of civilized warfare. Villa has sworn by him ever since, and the methods of warfare he had been pursuing have been greatly modified for the better ever since his talks with the General at the middle of the international bridge over the Rio Grande.

In accounting for General Scott's impressive influence over the Indians, Francis E. Leupp writes in the Boston Transcript:

“He is serious in expression, perfectly calm in manner and speaks in a low voice; that is the fashion of the wise men among the Indians themselves. He is direct in approaching a subject, wastes no words, listens attentively to whatever anyone else has to say, and preserves a discreet silence till he has all the evidence before him. Then, when answer or comment or argument is demanded, he tells the plain truth. The Indians have little use for euphemisms. If they wish to know what is the penalty of murder, they would rather have the frank statement that it is death than all the roundabout phrases which can be used to soften the disagreeable fact or to break

the news less abruptly. Scott is patient to the point of tirelessness. If the Indians wish to take time to think a proposition over, he gives them what they need; then, when that matter is settled,

it is settled. So methodical is he that in him you could almost formulate a schedany council or conference directed by ule of its stages from beginning to end like that of a railroad journey, and mark off the intermediate stations as they are reached and passed."

There is, in other words, nothing of the blusterer about General Scott. Unassuming, thoro, deliberate in judgment, decisive in action, no one imputes to him any of the wiles of the self-advertizer. He is no martinet. His popularity among other generals is noteworthy. He has the reputation of being genial and obliging. His tastes are those of a domestic, family man, rather than the club man. He is so temperate in personal habits that a friend of years thought it safe to say that he neither smokes nor drinks liquor, nor swears. His height is about five feet eight inches and he weighs. perhaps 175 pounds. One might expect from his appearance that he is a student rather than an athlete. Gray mustach and hair may add a touch of dignity to his age, but vigor and a distinct impression of solidity mark his personality. Military men account him as simply a good soldier, advanced on merit not by favoritism, a good example of devotion to the military maxim: first use all means to conciliate, then all means to crush. Among Indians he has never needed to go back; he says they never break promises to him.

T

HOSE European journalists who seem most familiar with the traits and the temperament of the present head of the German foreign office love to cite Gottlieb von Jagow as an illustration of the type brought to power and prominence by favor of Emperor William. Herr von Jagow had the rare good luck, notes the Paris Figaro, for example, to be one of his Majesty's college chums. William II. has never been disillusioned, the French daily fears, on the subject of those college chums of his, more particularly the Bonn Borussians, the picked student body whose members he addresses by the familiar "Du." They are his brothers. He has put them into the highest offices, lifting them, in some cases, from poverty and obscurity to the dizziest renown. All are, more or less, artistic temperaments, like him

*

Men About the Kaiser. By Irving S. Wile. Philadelphia. Lippincott.

One should go to Rome, where von Jagow was German ambassador SO long, and one should read the Tribuna and the Giornale before accepting the French impression of him. Italian dailies apply to him their most compli

not tall and he is not commanding; but he conveyed the impression of power, of strength. He knows how to dress. He can carry a lady's train. He sends flowers and distributes bonbons impartially. For a bachelor, he negotiates difficulties of etiquet with miraculous nicety, offending none. It was characteristic of him that the very flower in his buttonhole had its symbolical significance, for he never sported the Austrian color among the Garibaldians or carried a yellow bloom into the Quirinal when the quarrel with the Vatican grew acute. He was among the first to take to the American crease in the trousers, but he has not followed the example of the Crown Prince in affecting English sartorial styles. It is true that Scotch tweeds would not look well on von Jagow, who lacks bulk and bigness, being, indeed, rather a small man physically, with a very low voice and a manner suggesting natural ti

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midity. The Italians greatly admired his well-kept hands and the expressiveness of his eyes. The moment he enters a ballroom or a conference he darts swift glances everywhere, as if to embrace the general effect. His despatches to the Wilhelmstrasse from Rome were very intimate and personal, reports the Figaro, so much so, indeed, that each had to be laid before Emperor William himself, who was anxious on the subject of Italy. Von Jagow displayed rare genius in his characterizations of the men who sway the destinies of Italy and in his estimates of situations. He could read Giolitti like a book and he took the measure of Sonnino, Salandra and Sam Giuliano accurately. This is von Jagow's strong point. He never showed much grasp of principle, but human nature can not elude him. He has the reputation of understanding women-a most important thing, notes the Paris paper, in a diplomatist at the court of Victor Immanuel III.

In setting von Jagow down as a typical Prussian, the French daily invites us to make a certain discrimination. The present chief at the Wilhelmstrasse is not of the blood and iron breed, a hearty drinker and eater like Bismarck, nor dour and implacable like the old von Moltke. He is the poetical, Hamlet-like Prussian, sweet of manner, concealing an incredible sophistication. beneath an aspect of ineffable simplicity. The English would have us infer that the dreaming, tender, soulful Prussian passed away when William II. became a war-lord. It is not so. He survives in von Jagow, who might have stepped out of Goethe's Wilhelm Meister, so romantic he is, so susceptible to beauty. Von Jagow has not, like Bethmann-Hollweg, read the profound philosophers. His mind has the bent of Prince von Bülow's who loves Mérimée, Carducci, Dante and the art of the school of Siena. While von Bülow is epigrammatic, witty, von Jagow is a good listener. Indeed, von Jagow makes no epigrams at all and his enemies deny that he can, whereas von Bülow scarcely opens his mouth without uttering a witticism. Von Jagow, on the other hand, shows that he understands you. His smile is that of comprehension, not of amusement, and he lets you lead the conversation. One can not grow intimate with him, the French daily concludes, nevertheless, without thinking of the proverb warning us that the Prussian is a "faux bonhomme"-sophisticated, that is to say, while manifesting the artlessness

of the child.

Generations of these Jagows have served the King of Prussia and they hail from that Mark of Brandenburg of which William II. makes so much in his fiery orations. A von Jagow was done in marble for the famous SiegesAllee in Berlin. The family is aristo

THE FINE FLOWER OF GERMAN DIPLOMACY AS AN ART Only in the light of the fact that Gottlieb von Jagow, minister for foreign affairs at the Wilhelmstrasse, is first and foremost the artist in temperament can we appreciate the "touch" -so different from that of W. J. Bryan or Sir Edward Grey-he exploits in all negotiations with neutrals.

out the world. He deems it a perfectly legitimate thing to feed the public as from a spoon with ready-made views of imperial policy. People must "think

cratic to the finger-tips, but no consciousness of that is apparent in the manner of Gottlieb von Jagow in his relations with the Helfferichs, the Dernburgs or even the Socialists. The officially." foreign minister understands, notes the Gaulois, that a modern period has come in German annals. The aristocracy of finance, boasting its Ballins and its Gwinners, must be tolerated side by side with the aristocracy of the sword and the paternal acres. That is the view of Emperor William, and von Jagow is in every detail, we read, the echo of the imperial voice. For popular opinion, the Reichstag and that sort of thing, he has, it seems, a disdainful shrug of the shoulders. Not even Bismarck, however, attached more importance to the work of journalists. Jagow is even accused in the Paris paper of being the organizer and spirit of the German press campaign through

Imagine a small man, well groomed, carrying a cane, wearing spats, arriving at the Wilhelmstrasse at ten in the morning. Thus the Gaulois. Gottlieb von Jagow, foreign minister of the German Empire, is that man. The small mustach on the long upper lip is carefully groomed. The long overcoat is carefully brushed. The patent leather boots shine resplendently, despite the weather. Once inside, valets. help him off with his street attire. Secretaries place documents on the desk. The foreign minister is accustomed to the world and ways of lackeys. He breathes his own atmosphere among them. He listens sympathetically to the former German ministers, former