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UNITED STATES WHEN the old Times building on Park Row, in

Shying Bricks at the New New York City, was replaced years ago, it was

Trust Bills. thought a remarkable feat to tear down the old struck And yet, according to that middle-of-the-road jour

nal, the Springfield Republican, the measures are the tenants to remove or suspend business. · Something “not extreme or even very radical.” And the fairly like that is being attempted with the business structure conservative Indianapolis News says “it would be a of the United States by President Wilson. The proc mistake to think of them as carelessly drawn by ignoess, needless to say, is not one of unalloyed delight rant men. They have been long under consideration, for the tenants. There are noise and dust and con and it is known that expert advice has been taken.” fusion, and there is considerable swearing in conse Aside from one provision in the Clayton bill, that requence. But for better or worse the reconstruction ferring to labor organizations, the measures receive has gone forward. The tariff has been changed, the general rather than specific criticism. Thus the N. Y. banking system has been remodeled, and last month Evening Sun speaks of the “crudeness and shoddy inthe new trust bills were sent booming through the lower sincerities” that abound, as it thinks, in the bills. The house of Congress by large majorities made up of all Milwaukee Sentinel speaks of the bills as a “batch of parties. The architect is again being vigorously half-baked, undiscussed and ambiguous business bills.” "cussed,” but he is having his own way. The Clayton And the Philadelphia Ledger speaks sneeringly of plans bill, forbidding interlocking directorates, holding com for regulation of business "evolved in academic laborapanies, and various other things, was passed by a vote tories." But with all this sort of broadcast criticism, of 275 to 54. The Rayburn bill, regulating the issue by and there is much of it, there is little that is specific railways of stocks and bonds, was passed by a vote of except such as pertains, as we have said, to the labor 325 to 12. The Covington trade commission bill, con exemption clauses. The object of these clauses is to stituting a body for the regulation of large industrial avert the application of the anti-trust laws to labor corporations, was passed without a roll-call, and the unions and farmers' unions. For twenty years the viva-voce vote in the negative was very faint and feeble. Federation of Labor has been fighting for this exempParty lines were shattered. The vote for the Clayton tion, on the ground that the Sherman law was never bill was swelled by the ayes of 43 Republicans and 16 meant to apply to such organizations and has been Progressives. The twelve votes against the Rayburn “perverted by the courts.” In 1900 the House passed bill were cast by eight Republicans and four Democrats. ar exemption clause similar to that passed last month. The most contentious part of the Clayton bill—the The vote then was 274 to 1, and the Senate was examendment exempting labor and farm organizations, rected to kill it, as it did. The unanimous vote in favor was passed without a negative vote, tho more than half of the clause this time, as well as the large majorities of the members had business elsewhere at just that in favor of the three complete bills, is attributed by the time. This loving exhibition of harmony, instead of N. Y. Evening Post and other journals to the expectainspiring thoughts of peace and good-will, has had an tion that the Senate will amend them with a free hand. opposite effect. Cries of contempt and snorts of rage Every member of the House has to go before the people are heard in many directions, and the Senate is ex this fall for reelection. Only a fraction of the Senahorted to strangle at least two of the three bills. tors are in that situation. “All indications,” says the


N. Y. Journal of Commerce, “are that there is no real the meaning is distressingly clear. "Be it known,” it expectation that these bills will be accepted by the says, "that this legislation legalizes picketing, boycotting, Senate in anything like the form in which they have and every infringement upon the constitutionally guaranpassed the House.”

teed rights of the citizen at the behest of the labor bosses.

That the Supreme Court of the United States would What Labor Unions Have Fought promptly throw such a law into the waste-paper basket Twenty Years to Get.

is neither here nor there. The same session of the THE clauses about labor unions are found in Sec

House of Representatives made guilt personal upon tion 18 of the Clayton bill. They provide that no

the employer, with heavy penalties, and handed the restraining order or injunction shall be granted by any

labor leader a license to commit crime.” The N. Y. federal court in any case between employer and employee, or growing out of a dispute concerning terms

World regards this exemption of labor as simply one

more effort to secure special privilege by law, and to of employment, unless necessary to prevent irreparable

set apart a favored class forever. “It is not easy,” it injury to property; and the property thus liable to in

says, "to say which is the more contemptible, the jury must be described with particularity. Further

cowardice of the House in voting this privilege with

surprising unanimity or the low cunning which enabled “No such restraining order shall prohibit any person

it to hide behind an excuse so flimsy,” referring to the or persons from terminating any employment or from

phrase "by peaceful means." Whether peaceable or ceasing to perform any work or labor, or from recom

not, the World goes on to add, “picketing and boycotting mending, advising, or persuading others by peaceful means are the very essence of intimidation, conspiracy, reso to do or for the purpose of peacefully obtaining informa

straint of trade and monopoly. ... The workingman's tion or for peacefully persuading any person to work or to welfare depends upon justice. With the naked prinrestrain from working; or from ceasing to patronize or to ciple of discrimination in the laws once accepted, the employ any party to such dispute or from recommending, inevitable extension of it will find in him not the beneadvising, or persuading others by peaceful means so to do; ficiary but the victim." or from paying or giving to or withholding from any person engaged in such dispute any benefits or moneys or things of value; or from peaceably assembling at any place

The Attempt to Frighten the in a lawful manner and for lawful purposes, or from

President Away From Trust doing any act or thing which lawfully might be done by

Legislation. any party thereto.

HE most violent criticism of this kind comes from

THE “None of the acts specified in the foregoing shall be con

the New York press, and it leads the Springfield strued to be illegal."

Republican to speak of a "dead set against the Presi

dent by influential business and financial interests, in Is the Boycott To Be

the hope of forcing him to abandon his program of Legalized ?

trust legislation at this session.” While not defending On the legal significance of the foregoing, there is wide divergence of opinion. It has as many inter

that program as sound in all points, it regards it as preters, the N. Y. Tribune thinks, as there are inter

"fairly moderate," and it reminds us that the trust issue preters for it. “Everybody," it asserts, "who had a

was one of the most conspicuous in the presidential hand in concocting it is tainted with its dishonesty and

campaign of 1912, and the administration is bound to hypocrisy.” The Wall Street Journal, however, thinks

redeem its pledges. If it does not do so now it will

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have to take the trust question up on the eve of the appeal was to the bankers and business men to get in next presidential campaign—a delay that would not be closer touch with the economic and political tendencies politically wise. The Chicago Tribune sees some diffi of the day and to direct their energies more to guiding culty in drawing a distinction, in theory, between a and informing it and less to obstructing it. We can combination of a few men to fix the price of their no longer forecast the course of business, he said, by commodity and a combination of many men to fix the means of business and financial statistics. It is almost price of their labor. “Nevertheless," it says, “it must startling to note how important has become the "adbe remembered that attack under the federal law would ventitious factor of legislation.” Not the prospect of not destroy unionism. It would merely drive it under new crops but the prospect of new laws is now the ground and would play directly into the hands of the factor to be most taken into consideration. Referring I. W. W. element. . . . To attempt to abolish the to a recent statement by President Wilson to the effect abuses by abolishing unions would be as futile as re that business depression to-day is mainly psychological, actionary. Much of the best in the union movement Mr. Vanderlip said that in a sense that seems to him to would be lost, while the worst—the violence and graft- te true. The depression has its roots in a state of would remain and probably increase.” The St. Louis mind rather than in the actual data of business. With Post-Dispatch thinks that these trust measures supply such facts and figures as we can show to-day, we would a sound foundation for prosperity. “They will re have been justified ten years ago in predicting a period habilitate American railroads and American interstate of great and immediate expansion. The obstacles in corporations in public confidence. They will protect the way are intangible, but not on that account unreal. the public from discriminations, sharp practices and They lie in the demand for legislative restriction and spoliation by unrestrained corporate directors whose control of business. only motive is greed.” The Newark Evening News thinks the strangest thing about these trust measures is

Vanderlip Appeals to Bankers the comparatively little turmoil their passage has cre

to Get in Touch With the

New Spirit. ated. Five years ago, it remarks, they would have

O FAR from regarding this demand as baseless, caused an earthquake.

Mr. Vanderlip believes it to be in large measure

based on sound economic facts. He says:
The "Psychological" Depression
of Business.

“The development of industrialism within our lifetime has

been of such a revolutionary character as naturally and legislation, nor, indeed, all that they say taken to

rightly to create a demand for a body of controlling laws

such as were never dreamed of by our fathers. I deny gether, has as much significance, perhaps, as the address

that those laws have been made necessary by unfairness or made by Frank A. Vanderlip, president of the National

by wicked practices on the part of the men who have conCity Bank of New York, before the New York State

ducted large affairs, altho instances of unfairness and Bankers' Association, June 11, and the action taken

wicked practices may be pointed out. They have their as a result. Mr. Vanderlip did not speak directly on sound basis in the revolutionary changes in industrial life, the trust legislation, but apparently the spirit of that and if we could only generalize upon the principles inlegislation was the moving cause of his remarks. His volved, instead of anathematizing individuals who have been


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legislation lies farther back than Congress and farther back than the President. Nor does it lie in a public opinion gone wrong and bent upon plundering the successful.



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Finer Business Ethics To-day

Than Ever Before.

'HE fact is, as Mr. Vanderlip sees it, "we have come PANAMA


to the recognition of ethical principles, of hitherto unperceived principles, that men had never thought upon, much less understood.” And if the critics of business management would only appreciate the task of business men in conforming to the kaleidoscopic changes which the new order has made necessary within our lifetime, they would see that it is not against individuals that they should direct their blows. There are grasping and dishonest men, as there always have been and always will be; but "we now have finer business ethics than ever before, a broader human spirit in business life, a more just apprehension of social relations and obligations, and higher standards of integrity.” Mr. Vanderlip went on to say:

“I believe if business men will get themselves into a state of mind where they view conditions broadly, with a historical and social sense, rather than only from their individual point of view, they will apprehend better the direction in which the whole current of political thought is flowing, and will feel less impatience with this legislative movement and vastly less pessimism concerning its results.

"You can believe that a permanent democracy is possible Nilen tentang only if you also believe that public opinion can be led by

clear thinking, sound judgment, ripe experience. Instead THE DEADH EAD -Harding in Brooklyn Eagle

of acting on that theory, business men seem largely to have

abandoned the franchise, resigned their sovereign rights, almost involuntary factors in this revolutionary movement, and taken an attitude crouchingly awaiting the onslaught our chances for reaching sound legislative principles would of a hostile public opinion, a public opinion usually half be much better.”

informed as to facts—which is largely the fault of the

business man himself..”. What we should all be striving for, he went on to say, is legislation “in accordance with sound economic prin- As a result of Mr. Vanderlip's plea, a publicity comciples, formulated with justice and sincere human sym mittee of five was appointed by the unanimous action pathy." We shall never get it by sitting back and of the association. Its business will be to enlighten and railing at Washington. The cause of this flood of new direct public sentiment rather than contend with it.


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If Congress were only a going concern !—Wall Street Journal.

One man has suggested a diplomatic academy in the United States. Just as if there are not enough natural born liars in the country to look after diplomatic affairs.—Toledo Blade.

How do Mr. Penrose and Uncle Joe Cannon excuse a 900,000,000 bushel wheat crop in a Democratic Administration ?-N. Y. World.

Can it be that Congress is afraid to go home?-Manchester Union.



CARIBBEAN SEA THE Caribbean Sea, with its tales of pirate kings and

virtual protectorate which we did not seek and tried for buried treasures, has for generations exerted a spell years to dodge. Porto Rico, of course, is thrown over the imagination of American youth. Now that into our lap before we knew what was happening. On spell seems to have reached the mature mind of Uncle the south lie Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, ColomSamuel, and the treasures that he is being called upon bia and Venezuela. Everybody knows what Panama to pour into that region would have made Captain Kidd means to us to-day. It is almost certain to figure conor Sir Henry Morgan feel like peanut-venders.. If the spicuously in our Congressional campaign this year next twenty years see the same degree of development and may do so in our next presidential contest. The in our national interests as the last twenty years have canal tolls bill is now disposed of by this Congress; but witnessed, the Caribbean Sea will be little else than a there are two other treaties, one with Nicaragua and big United States lake. Nor will any particular initia one with Colombia, which come up for consideration tive on our part be necessary. Our old friend Manifest and which are likely to arouse as much bitterness as Destiny seems to be attending to the matter without grew out of the canal tolls bill. any special effort or even desire on our part. A map

To Make Nicaragua a United of that portion of the world looks rather interesting

States Dependency. just now. On the north lie Cuba, Haiti and San Do


HE treaty with Nicaragua, if it is adopted, will put ningo, and Porto Rico, in an almost continuous line. that country in about the same relations to us that Over Cuba, Haiti and San Domingo we have now a Cuba now occupies. It will give us control over Ni




caragua's foreign relations and the right to intervene in of regret. The second article grants to Colombia pasdomestic matters to restore order. By the payment of sage through the canal for her ships of war, her prodthree millions of dollars we are to receive a perpetual ucts, and her citizens, in time either of peace or war, right of way for a canal from ocean to ocean ;—not that without paying any charges other than those paid by we are yearning to dig any more canals just now, but American ships, products and citizens. The third article that we do not want anybody else to have a chance to is short and—to Colombia no doubt-sweet. It contains do so. By the terms of the treaty, moreover, Nicaragua thirty-six words, the cost of which will be about $700,is not to engage in any war without our consent, is not 000 a word. It runs as follows: to incur any financial obligations that will imperil her independence, and is to grant us a naval base in Fonseca “The United States of America agrees to pay to the Bay and leases on Great and Little Corn Islands. This Republic of Colombia, within six months after the exchange treaty, mind you, has been negotiated by a secretary of

of the ratifications of the present Treaty, the sum of state who a few years ago made anti-imperialism the

twenty-five million dollars, gold, United States money.” dominant issue in his campaign for the presidency.

The Modest Claims of Colombia Whether he has changed his point of view or whether

on Uncle Sam's Treasury. Manifest Destiny has proven too strong for him or whether, as is more likely, he considers that there is a

REAL estate down there in Panama comes high when

, wide distinction between a protectorate that is solicited

which we have secured for 999 years, is a strip of land from us and a proprietorship that is enforced by us

ten miles wide and about sixty miles long, which ran may be a matter of dispute. In any event, it is interest

through, pestilential swamps and impenetrable jungles. ing to note the remark made by a writer, F. Garcia

We paid the French company forty millions of dollars Calderon, in a recent number of the Atlantic, as fol

for the concession it held from Colombia and the work of lows:

excavation it had accomplished. Then we paid Panama "Far from growing antiquated and disappearing, Mon

ten millions more. We have paid approximately $375,roeism is winning new adherents hitherto antagonistic to

000,000 for the construction of the canal, and we are its influences. In the United States the Democrats are be now paying millions for fortifying it. Now comes this coming its zealous defenders. They are abandoning their call for $25,000,000 more to be paid to Colombia, to irreproachable attitude of sympathetic neutrality toward the compensate her for the loss of Panama. But cheer up, efforts of new peoples. Their enthusiasm now surpasses it might be worse. Colombia claims twice that sum. the ardor of the Republicans, who are naturally inclined to She claims 64 annuities of $250,000 each for the expansion and to war. Henceforth imperialism is destined

Panama railway, which she lost with Panama. In addito form part and parcel of the great national tradition. Its influence depends but little upon rivalry of parties and

tion to these yearly payments she claims an almost changes of administration."

equal sum ($16,446,000) as the value of the road itself.




This treaty with Nicaragua has already stirred Central American states deeply, as it affects seriously their longcherished vision of a union of Central American nations. Secretary Bryan's reply to their protests is as significant as the treaty itself. As reported, it is to the effect that all the other states of Central America may enter into the same relations with us!




A Bonus of $25,000,000 and

an Apology. THI HE treaty with Colombia has been held up by the

Department of State for several months, presumably for the purpose of getting the canal tolls bill cut of the way first. The treaty with Nicaragua is more likely to meet opposition in the Democratic ranks than in the Republican. But the treaty with Colombia is almost certain to bring on a fierce partisan contest in the Senate, and to bring together Republicans and Progressives in opposition. The treaty consists of five articles. The first article consists of a one-sided expression of regret—what is by many called our “apology.” It runs as follows:

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“The Government of the United States of America, wishing to put at rest all controversies and differences with the Republic of Colombia arising out of the events from which the present situation on the Isthmus of Panama resulted, expresses, in its own name and in the name of the people of the United States, sincere regret that anything should have occurred to interrupt or to mar the relations of cordial friendship that had so long subsisted between the two nations.”


Colombia "accepts" but does not join in this expression


- Richards in Philadelphia North American

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