in Japan.

EVERY effort will be made in Europe and the United

States, observes the Berlin Kreuz-Zeitung, to interpret the progress of the war in the far East as a death-blow to German prestige. This was said prior to the fall of Tsing-tau, which has been foreseen and discounted in Berlin dailies. It had been hoped by the Japanese that the Germans, in the face of such hopeless odds, would make an easy capitulation. The annoyance of the Tokyo government is therefore extreme. The siege went on, notes the Vossische Zeitung, to the tune of "atrocity," the most popular in Europe. The vernacular press of Japan. it observes, was supplied with manufactured evidence from Belgium that made the Germans appear a scourge of God. Nothing was said in Japan about Russia, the foe of a few years back, who is burning, outraging and pillaging in the eastern theater of the European war. Japan will soon teach America and Europe her lesson of militarism, observes the Hamburger Fremdenblatt. American strategists of note, including the late Homer Lea, warned their countrymen against the power rising against them in the far East. Such warnings are vain. In due time the peril against which the German Emperor warned the world will appear in its true light. In that hour of anxiety England will insist that Germany created the' yellow peril! The truth is, insists the Hamburg organ,

And then after peace is declared the army of chartographers will have to bring up all the reserves and hurl itself at the map of Europe.-Indianapolis News.

San Francisco is bravely certain that the war will not mar its exposition. Only the brave deserve the fair.-Christian Science Monitor.

that England made the yellow peril serious as the progress and operations of the Anglo-Japanese alliance prove.

WIT

Japan to "Get Even" with Germany.

'ITH all classes of the Japanese population the war with Germany has been tremendously successful in a political sense, writes the well-informed Tokyo correspondent of the London Post. Comment in such representative Tokyo organs as the Nichi Nichi, organ of a select class, the Yorodzu, strikingly like a Hearst paper in tone, and the highly respectable Kokumin Shimbun, suggest that the Japanese people are united against a nation which has robbed them and played the part of oppressor in the Asiatic world. Nevertheless there exists among the intellectual classes of Japan, as the London Post generously concedes, a feeling of gratitude to Germany for the immense services she has rendered in the way of training for such vocations as law, medicine, biology, education and war. Japanese vernacular papers hold Emperor William responsible for the "yellow peril" issue. They add that Germany is inciting a new anti-Japanese crusade in the United States. On Germany, finally, is now laid responsibility for the war with Russia. Germany was at the bottom of the scheme to force Japan's evacuation of Port Arthur after the war with China, France and Russia playing but a minor part. This is proved by the memoirs of Count Hayashi, the distinguished Japanese diplomatist who died lately. Official Tokyo prohibited the publication of these memoirs, but they got into the European dailies notwithstanding. In the memoirs Hayashi states that when the three ministers came to him with the demand to evacuate Port Arthur, the French and Russian were content to make the request that the place be handed back to China. The German minister acted differently, threatening war and assuring Hayashi that Japan could never face Russia, France and Germany combined. "Herein was an insult the Japanese have never forgotten."

W

Japanese Expansion on the Asiatic Continent.

HAT inspires Japanese policy now that Europe is involved in war? The prospect of territorial expansion on the continent of Asia. Question and answer are from the Frankfurter Zeitung. Not so long ago, it reminds us, London diplomatists were alarmed at the presence of Japanese agitators in Inner Mongolia. The imperialists of Tokyo have longed to annex the region, which adjoins southern Manchuria. The Japanese have poured rifles into that region, arming there an element upon which they rely. The Japanese pursue in inner Mongolia a policy similar to that carried out by Russia elsewhere. They keep Peking quiet by cajolery when that will serve. They openely threaten Yuan Shi Kai if he becomes too independent. Japan expects the British to emerge supreme from this European crisis and for that reason she has extracted pledges from the London government that may fill the world with indignation when they become known.

Oh! If Kaiser Wilhelm had only learned to drink grape juice. -Washington Herald.

The Austrians haven't beaten anything so far except a retreat.Philadelphia North American.

"Russians capture Kaiser's pedigreed cattle." But his goat still evades them.-Boston Herald.

P

ERSONAL descriptions of the silent sailor in whom Great Britain chooses for the moment to incarnate her sovereignty of the sea lay stress upon the simplicity of Sir John Jellicoe. He has no complexities of nature, nothing vivid in his personality. He makes no phrases. He never emerges as the central figure in episodes picturesque or romantic. He stands before the world as the ideal of cool, technical efficiency, and this explains why his country has given him more power over her squadrons than any man has wielded since Nelson. Upon thim alone falls the responsibility for that bottling up of German fleets and German commerce which gives the key to England's naval policy in this war. He has orders to seek out the fleet of the enemy and destroy it.

At the age of fifty-five he emerges in all accounts of him, whether in the friendly London News or the critical London Post, as an insignificant-looking little man with shoulders that droop and an aquiline nose. The somewhat scant hair is plastered down to the skull, while the dimpled chin is blue with shaving twice daily. The nose is definitely aquiline and perhaps unduly prominent. The eye looks straight ahead, impersonally, fixedly, almost uneasily. The expression is characterisic of the British naval officer, resultng from an inveterate scanning of the horizon through powerful glasses.

Jellicoe lately lost his father, also a veteran of the sea, who lived past his ninetieth year. He has a brother in the church. The family is quite an old one but poor, and the resemblance beween its members is said to be strikng as regards character. The Jellioes are all reserved and cool but prone o explosions of feeling, as if the acumulated emotions of a long period of Felf-suppression must find vent. Thus he admiral relieves the monotony of is long silences by an occasional burst f speech and then holds his tongue for ix months by way of penance. He nbosoms himself at such times with reat freedom. At all others he might e a statue of taciturnity as, with a and thrust through the back of his elt, he remains motionless on his ridge for hours or sits forever in the hart room noticing nobody. He dines board all by himself in the grandeur

GREAT BRITAIN

of his rank, which makes him a species of deity afloat. It is highly characteristic of him that he sees personally to the distribution of the mufflers, stockings and shoes that come aboard for the men in the fleet. One anecdote makes him say, in response to a respectful insinuation from below regarding the monotony of the diet: "Corn beef and cabbage! I have dined on nothing else for a fortnight." To one of his commanders who wanted leave to go ashore for socks, Jellicoe made no reply in words. He merely pulled up the leg of his trousers. He wore no socks.

Jellicoe, as one authority in the London News makes him out, has few personal traits in common with those sea kings of Great Britain who so glorify her naval annals. He lacks the merry laugh, the ingratiating manner, of Keppel. He never passes with graceful ease through London drawing

rooms after the fashion of the elegant Rodney. He has neither the bigness nor the beauty of Duncan. He is destitute of the amazing magnetism of Nelson. For a type like Jellicoe one must go back, it seems, to Howe, who was never cheerful, boasted no charm of manner and was painfully shy. Howe was tall, to be sure, and Jellicoe is short; but both had a heart of gold concealed beneath a grim manner. Jellicoe is beloved in the fleet because he never plays the martinet and because there are times when he comes into most intimate contact with his men. When, for instance, a reconnaissance by submarine proved unsatisfactory, the admiral in command went with it himself into the depths.

The incident explains the new aspects under which a British sea king must present himself nowadays. The old days of the wooden walls of England have departed. Even the impressive flagship Hood, dating back to Jellicoe's youth, has been scrapped, and he has seen the Dreadnought outclass and scrap all the battleships afloat. He witnessed the arrival of the Orion with a broadside fire practically double that of the Dreadnought, so that the latter became as helpless against ships of the Orion class as was even the splendid and formidable Majestic when the Dreadnoughts came. Characteristic of Jellicoe's attitude was the readiness' with which he welcomed these innovations. He hailed the submarine at a time when its mere suggestion was fantastic. He has served in all these types and he has gone to sea with the biggest guns for target practice. Jellicoe thus possesses a wider first-hand practical experience with warships, afloat than any other living sailor; but the price he paid bereft him of personality and left him a glorified machinist. He reeks of the engine room.

His environment, explains our London contemporary, explains the remoteness of the man, the barbarian shyness that makes him so hard to get acquainted with. He does not know how to mingle with landsmen, his very voice being throaty with fog and mist and his visage blue and briny. There are different kinds of aquiline noses, explains a writer in London Truth. Those with the very high bridge denote despotic character and insensibility. The one that allows the forehead

397.

bought the first 2,000 acres from the Indians for $160. They have been buying ever since and, like the Astors, they never sell. Like most of the English squires they have taken their public duties seriously. The grandfather of the Senator-elect was a candidate for governor of New York, being defeated by Horatio Seymour. When the Civil War began he shouldered his gun and entered the Army of the Potomac, giving up his life at the bloody battle of the Wilderness. Then the son, tho but eighteen, took his place in the ranks in 1864, and kept it until the close of the war, when he was mustered out as a major.

When the Spanish-American war came the present Senator-elect was, barely of voting age. Having finished the course at Yale, however, nothing would do for him but to follow the martial example of his sire and grandsire and go to war. He went as a private in the field artillery, and was sent first to Porto Rico and then to the Philippines. After a year's service he returned home to take up his position as a farmer. He owns a first-class farm of 1,200 acres, in Livingstone county, N. Y., and a large cattle ranch in Texas, and the major part of his income comes from these two sources. In 1902 he married a daughter of John Hay, Secretary of State, and in 1904, having entered upon his manifest destiny as a farmer and a soldier, he proceeded to carry out the rest of his inherited duties by going into politics. He entered the Assembly and by the time he was twenty-eight he was chosen Speaker, and "it is fair to say," says the N. Y. World, a Democratic paper, "that the New York Assembly never had a better Speaker." It goes on to pay him this tribute: "Firm and fair, patient, unassuming and hard-working, with lots of backbone when it was needed and a goodly supply of brains, young Wadsworth made good. Indeed, his entire record is without a single stain, and above everything but partisan criticism." All the same, he has been severely criticized by the progressives both within and without his own party for his opposition to the direct primary system, especially in the form in which it was urged by Governor Hughes, leaving no place for the party convention. But a man as far removed from the ranks of the professional politicians as Andrew D. White, ex-President of Cornell, defended him from his critics on this point, saying: "Speaker Wadsworth and other admirable men in whom I see much promise, legislators who are needed by their country, are entitled to their honest opinions concerning direct nominations."

Senator-elect Wadsworth is and always has been an organization man and found no apparent trouble in working in close harmony with William Barnes,

Copyright, Pach Bros.

Jr., whose name is anathema with all of Mr. Roosevelt's followers and with a large number of Republicans as well. Because of this close association with Barnes as well as because of his fight against direct primaries, he was described by Burton Hendrick as "the cleverest example of a good man gone wrong known to recent American politics." It will be noticed, however, that Mr. Hendrick admits that he was "a good man" up to the time when, as another critic put it, he "began playing Faust to Barnes's Mephistopheles." As Barnes, even after Roosevelt's fight against him, was chosen chairman of the Republican state committee by a unanimous vote, political association with him cannot be taken as a sign of hopeless depravity unless one is prepared to go so far as to say that all the leaders of that party in the state of New York are hopelessly depraved. Of one reform at least Mr. Wadsworth

was one of the earliest and most vigorous advocates. That was the Short Ballot. With Woodrow Wilson, he was one of the pioneers of that reform and is likely to see it come to pass in the New York State within the next year or two.

The

As a Senator, Mr. Wadsworth is likely to exert most of his influence in the inner councils of his party and in the committees rather than on the open floor of the Senate or on the national platforms. He is not a brilliant thinker. His ideas are the conventional ideas of a loyal party man. He is no pioneer of thought. He has no vision. intellectual supremacy of Senator Root will never be wielded by him. He will cast no new light on any of the great subjects of politics. What has been said a thousand times on the protective tariff, for instance, he will say again in the same way. He will not add anything to it. He will assail the Wil

son administration for "throttling the American manufacturer" by lowering the tariff wall, and he will be very sincere in doing so. He will assail it for persecution of large business interests in the courts by its trust legislation and its suits under the Sherman law. But if the Republican party is to carve out a new policy or to modify any of its old doctrines or to break new trails, Senator Wadsworth will have little to do with all that. Not that he will be out of sympathy with that sort of thing, not that he is devoid of the progressive spirit; but he is not dowered with the creative spirit. He is not a trailmaker.

At thirty-seven, Wadsworth looks, says one observer, not more than twenty-eight. He has a ruddy, boyish face, a fine open forehead, and a good square

jaw. He has personal charm, but it shows in personal intercourse rather than on the platform. He was a popular man in college (he "made" Skull and Bones), he was a popular man in the New York legislature, and he will be a popular man in Washington. "With all the democratic simplicity of manner that is so strong a characteristic of young Wadsworth, his face is the face of an aristocrat." So says one newspaper writer, and he goes on to add: "Grafting and hypocrisy in politics inspires him with the same boundless loathing he would feel for cheating at cards or fouling in sport." His private life, it is said, has been clean and his public record an honest one. But he has confessed to an "instinctive horror of reformers," perhaps because, as a member of the legislature, he has

seen so many pretenders of that kind and SO many half-baked measures parading in the guise of reform. He will play the game, it may safely be said, according to the rules, but he is not likely to lend much assistance in changing the rules.

One tribute paid him at Albany a couple of years ago, when he left the Speaker's chair, by a member of the "Black Horse Cavalry," as they called a lot of legislators who had tried to raid the treasury, has an enigmatic sound: "He is the only patent medicine that ever lived up to the label." What was meant by calling him a patent medicine was not explained. It is a Delphic sort of utterance that may be taken in more than one way. Perhaps we shall know how to interpret it in the next two or three years.

S

TROLLING with his hands behind his back along the unpretentious Wilhelmstrasse and pausing in his characteristic manner as if he suddenly remembered something, Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg, Chancellor of the German Empire, remains as impressively unimpressive to journalists in Berlin as he seemed to be when Emperor William suddenly made him successor to Prince von Bülow. Perhaps his recent domestic bereavements have whitened the pointed beard of the melancholy Chancellor, conjectures the scribe who writes of him in the Paris Figaro. It may be that the extravagances of a favorite son, whose heavy debts depleted the little BethmannHollweg fortune not long ago, have traced those fresh lines upon the brow. At any rate the Chancellor is a lonely as well as a distinguished figure. The long black overcoat and high silk hat accentuate his gigantic height. The bowed head with its Saxon nose is seldom lifted towards the unassuming brown, red and white fronts of the buildings he passes in his daily walk from the Reichskanzlei to the palace. On his way to the park the learned Doctor will drop into a bookstore to finger the latest issues from the press. He will pay most attention to the works on philosophy-not commentaries upon Nietzsche and Schopenhauer, but studies in the manner of Hermann Türck, the latest thinker to arrive in the fatherland. For Bethmann-Hollweg is essentially Christian in his outlook upon life, a man remote from materialism, a simple nature in a complex age.

What especially amazes a journalist in conversing with Bethmann-Hollweg, adds this British student of him, is the recklessness of the candor with

which he discusses anything. Continental Europeans in high office are as a rule discreet, overwhelmingly discreet. The present German Chancellor will discuss anything with no reserve at all the war, Emperor William, the future of the Pope, Goethe, Belgium, what you like. This is no mere policy. It is just the Doctor's way. A certain artlessness of manner and a slowness of utterance that suggest one who thinks aloud heighten the effect of these uncalculated indiscretions immensely. Now and then the Herr Doctor will forget a detail. He does not summon a lackey in uniform, as the Prince von Bülow would have done. The Chancellor himself goes in search of the paper he means to lay before the visitor. Everything is said and done with a characteristic gravity. There are no sweet smiles in the Bülow manner, no epigrams and no airs. In fact, the Herr Doctor is the only one who seems impressed or overawed.

That all this is no fleeting impression but the reflection of an essential feature in the character of BethmannHollweg is amply shown by other studies of the man. Prussian in origin, Prussian by birth and most Prussian of all by education-he was

rying a parcel of books in his hand instead of riding in the official vehicle of his ministry. He has a table reserved for him in a quiet little restaurant that never was fashionable and, despite his steady patronage, never will be. When accosted he seems to come out of a brown study into a world he had altogether forgotten. His simplicity is that of one who never considers his own personality, his own interests or the effect upon his fortunes of whatever he does or says. Never in his career did he exemplify this trait so completely as in the course of his famous speech in the Reichstag on the subject of Belgium. He spoke of "a wrong" his country would be doing and he gave no thought at all to what his enemies might make of the admis sion. Similarly, he paid the debts of a near relative altho no creditor had a legal claim to his money. The atmosphere of this high-mindedness, confesses our French authority, seems to diffuse itself about this "untypical Prussian," imparting its moral grandeur to every impression of him.

One trait only is shared by Bethmann-Hollweg with his brilliant predecessor-a love of the arts. He surrounds himself with books, pictures and musical instruments, we read in the Paris Gaulois. Nor does it escape the attention of the Rome Tribuna that he shows a preference for Verdi over Wagner. The Chancellor is not a Wagnerite at all, apparently, and if he has a favorite composer at all it must be Beethoven. He delights, too, in Brahms. His discriminating taste in pictures revealed itself in his preference for Jan Vermeer at a time when that Dutch artist had not been recog nized except by a very few. The Chancellor's supreme resource, for all that, is his private library, a great,