read, in the spirit of Miss Grace Roe, an untamed advocate of votes for women who, when arraigned before a magistrate after the raid on a London office of the Pankhurst society, cried: "I glory in the fight women are making. I say to them: 'Go on burning, burning, burning.'" The papers seized by the authorities afford evidence, it is said, that persons of the highest rank in England, not excepting members of the royal family, contribute to the Pankhurst crusade. The motive in some cases is suspected to be a wish to avoid the inconveniences of militancy. The King alone can not purchase immunity. Militant organs insist that the right of petition to His Majesty is inherent in British citizenship, a point upon which the London Telegraph com

ments:

"Has the subject the right of direct access to the Sovereign in order to expose a political or other grievance? Yesterday's attempt to reach Buckingham Palace in order to lay before the King in person the demand for the vote which is put forward by a large number of women renders this something more than an academic matter.

"The theory of the Constitution is that the King can do no wrong, and consequently no action lies against him or any of his departments of state, except, as a result of formal application, permission be given for an appeal to the courts of law. This prerogative has been jealously preserved. As a rule, it is exercized fairly and justly, to the detriment of no one who presents a prima facie case of injustice. There is a recognized mode of approaching the Sovereign in all such cases. One of the duties of the Home Secretary, as the principal Secretary of State, is to act as the medium between the King and his subjects. On the other hand, there can be no doubt that the right to have personal audience of the King does not, and never has existed. It would be an outrage on the Constitution, unwritten tho it be and resting on precedent, if there were such a privilege. It would be peculiarly anomalous in reference to any attempt to promote legislation, because legislative authority has been delegated to Parliament, and. it is to the Legislature, consequently, that petitions for the redress of political grievances lie. In these days the right of appeal to Parliament has, under our rigid parliamentary system, ceased to have anything like the value that it once possessed. But, nevertheless, it remains a fact that it is to Parliament, and to Parliament only, that subjects, whether they be men or women, can present their petitions in favor of any alteration in the law."

SUGGES

Alarm at What the Suffragets May Attempt Next. UGGESTIONS of some spectacular and dramatic stroke by the Pankhurst following appear from time to time in London dailies. The apprehension of irreparable damage to the nation's property, says the conservative and indignant London Standard, "some grievous outrage which would be felt for generations. through the diabolic folly of a few hundred untamable termagants," is grave and well founded. For this, it adds, England can thank the Home Secretary, Mr. Reginald McKenna, who inaugurated the policy of the cat-and-mouse act:

"It is doubtful if a word of protest would be heard from any reasonable being against a declaration that these out

Great Britain's militants seem to be the champion cut-ups when it comes to art.-Louisville Post.

In England the feminist movement is largely towards the police station.-Charleston News and Courier.

"ARRESTED AT THE PALACE GATES-TELL THE KING THAT!"

Such were the words hurled by Mrs. Emmeline Pankhurst as, disheveled but determined, she was borne past the reporters in the custody of London "bobbies."

rages must be stopped, however stern may be the suppression required. The insolent design of presenting a petition to the King, when such an appeal had been very properly forbidden, was defeated, but not without scenes of violence in the streets of the metropolis which were witnessed with disgust and recorded with shame at the thought that English women should thus degrade themselves and their sex. This indecent and senseless defiance of authority was followed yesterday afternoon by an even more abominable affront to the King and Queen in His Majesty's Theater. The screaming furies who tried to interrupt the performance may be fitter inmates for a lunatic asylum than for a prison; but whatever the most suitable place of confinement, it is clear that such people, distraught or merely vicious, ought not to be let loose on society. The injury done to works of art at the National Gallery and Royal Academy, yesterday and on previous occasions, makes it still more imperative to stop the spread of this epidemic of criminal lunacy. It is a menace to the peace. It is having a most detrimental effect on the women's mental and bodily health. It is a scandal and disgrace to our civilization."

English suffragists believe that the brick is mightier than the pen.-Washington Herald.

Ladies visiting British art galleries are requested to have their knives and axes checked at the door.-Cleveland Plaindealer.

No

Royalty Shows Its Great Interest in Canada.

O sooner was it announced that a British Prince succeeds a British Prince in the post of Canadian Governor-General than a member of the Dominion Parliament uttered a loud protest. He did not think it expedient to confine so exalted a post to royalty or, indeed, to introduce royalty to Canada in so executive a capacity. The subject had become delicate, for the appointment of Prince Alexander of Teck was definitely

made. Great regret was expressed in official circles at certain attacks on the choice of His Serene Highness. His welcome in Ottawa next autumn is likelier to be all the warmer as a result. On the other hand, the

Montreal Daily Mail declares itself firmly against the principle of royalty being chosen as the head of the Canadian government. In practice, it says, it can not be claimed that the etiquet surrounding royalty has become popular in Canada. It is not understood and has

robbed more than one state visit of satisfactory results,

besides leaving an aftermath of critical gossip and heartburnings. In saying this the Montreal daily explains that it does not inveigh against the personal characteristics of the genial and popular gentleman now at Rideau Hall nor against his stately Duchess, nor does such frank utterance involve disrespect to a crowned head in the proper atmosphere where tradition and custom uphold the scepter and the palace.

PR

Canada and the Attitude to Royalty. ROTEST against the appearance of Prince Alexander as Governor-General in Canada seems to the Ottawa Citizen, an independent conservative journal, symptomatic of the growth of a democratic spirit in the Dominion. No one objects to the personality of His Serene Highness, whose delightful qualities and whose high character win tributes in the whole Canadian press. Nevertheless, observes the Ottawa paper, Canada is a land wherein hereditary or any titles must appear incongruous and utterly out of harmony with the aspirations of those who are working to build up a nation free. from the meaningless and artificial distinctions implied by the bestowal or the assumption of a nomenclature synonymous with the claims of inherited superiority. Other Canadian dailies here and there hint that the difficulty is less with the British princes, who have shown themselves modest, kindly and democratic, than with their suites. Certain old families in England seem to regard their members as the natural guardians of royal etiquet. In the train of a British prince one is, therefore, likely to find "gold sticks" and equerries whose tactless insistence upon old-world forms proves irritating and humiliating. Half the time the British royalty never knows what is commanded in his name by a too zealous member of the suite until some awkward incident arises.

17

social works, notes the Devoir, organ of the nationalist French elements. "It may be added," it says, too, "that he will benefit even before his arrival from the popularity and respect which encircles his august sister, Queen Mary." The French Canadian people, declares the daily, will give him both officially and personally a most respectful and most hearty welcome. La Patrie says the appointment is a delicate homage paid to the people appreciate it at its full value. La Presse supplemost important colony of the empire and the Canadian

ments this with the assurance that "all Canadians now extend respectful homage to his Highness the Prince of Teck, their future governor-general, as well as to his gracious wife of royal blood, and are awaiting the early pleasure of extending to them the most hearty of welcomes." The English press of the Dominion has bestowed high praise upon the Prince as well, devoting many columns to studies of his personality and career. conveyed by the following remarks from the editorial British ideas of the significance of the appointment is

columns of the London Times:

"The work which lies before him [Prince Alexander of Teck] is Royal in the fullest sense of a word that has grown to have a wider meaning for the people of the British Dominions during recent years. That this is so is very largely the result of King George's interpretation of his opportunities and obligations, while he was still Prince of Wales, as much as since his accession. The Duke of Connaught has fulfilled his duties in Canada in the same spirit. It has not been merely that he is a Prince of the Blood. It has been that, as our Canadian Correspondent said in summing up one of his tours, he has known how 'to interpret the Throne to Canada, and to reveal the natural alliance between Royalty and Democracy which English people understand.' Personality is the secret of such a success; the dignity that is self-abnegation; the power that comes from sympathy unhampered by high birth; the unerring insight and instinctive rightness of the gentleman. Prince Alexander has shown, so far as opportunity has allowed him as yet, that he too possesses these qualities."

Americanization of Canada as Seen in England.

NEVER will there be another Britain and Canada

could not reproduce any other land without treason to her own great opportunity to express herself. These statements from the Vancouver News-Advertiser are

reproduced with approval by the Toronto correspondent of the London Times in a study of what to him seems the Americanization of the Dominion. There is no

doubt, he declares, that the Vancouver News-Advertiser expresses the feeling of the most imperial of the Canadian provinces and for the time the general sentiment of the country as it is to be gleaned from great dailies like the Toronto Globe. But what of the future? Can we prophesy with confidence? Is there a growth or a decline of British feeling? In reply the Canadian journalist says it seems to be the fashion in Great Britain to regard Canada as bound by historic tradition, by long association, by common interest and common sentiment, to the mother country. This was the fact when a dominant English and French population possessed the country, when French-Canadians had the "balance of power" in politics, and when there was no

serious pressure of commercial or social influences from outside and no considerable admixture of foreign elements within. But through the enormous inflow of immigrants new conditions appear and new problems demand consideration. "Probably we can inspire all these elements with a common Canadian patriotism." Is it so certain that they can be moulded into a common devotion to the Empire? Is it so certain that they will never be attracted by the vision of an independent Canadian Republic?

Do Canadians Feel More Interest In America than in Britain? THE HE enormous circulation of American newspapers, magazines and periodicals in Canada has been referred to more than once with apprehension by the Toronto correspondent of the London Times. points out that the cable news services are designed

He

of population is obstructed by differences of language, conditions, and customs. Canada and the United States have common traditions and common institutions, a

common

language and a common faith. They are separated for hundreds of miles by an invisible boundary. Into the Dominion pour multitudes who will quickly develop a Canadian patriotism. What attitude will they take towards Great Britain and the Empire? What will be the ultimate effect of Lloyd George teaching on 'Democrats' in Canada? At the moment it is not wholesome. It may become dangerously divisive and destructive. One catches a new note now and again. As yet we are all passive Imperialists. But there are elements in Canada to which an appeal against Imperialism can be made, and who know no 'Mother Country.'"

Great Britain Takes Heed of the Canadian Warning.

truth of this statement has been conclusively demonstrated in all the recent dispatches covering the struggle between British Liberals and British Unionists over Home Rule for Ireland, describing conditions in Ulster, and estimating the state of feeling in Great Britain. We have a further illustration in the eruption between the United States and Mexico. Over the wires come literally pages of dispatches, following in elaborate detail the movement of American troops and vessels, the proceedings in Congress, the statements of the President and his advisers, and incidents at Tampico and elsewhere. "This in itself is desirable, but it is not satisfactory to Canadians that Ulster should be relegated to the background, that the cable dispatches should be condensed to insignificance, that only a few vagrant telegrams should be devoted to the King's visit to France, and that we should be almost shut out from the rest of the world through the natural absorption of the American press in the contest with Mexico." The grievance is not in what is done, but in what is left undone.

Labor in Canada Associates with Labor Here.

ALL the headquarters of the great unions to which

Canadian workmen belong are in the United States, a fact of which much is made by the correspondent of the British daily. Generally, too, the labor conventions are held in the United States. There is a steady increase in the number of branch factories of American manufacturing concerns in Canada.

"To these come skilled American workmen, and they are officered by Americans. Alert and capable, they are influential in the communities in which they settle. While they are loyal to Canada, are they ever likely to feel any sense of obligation to Great Britain or any impulse towards Imperial citizenship? We are affected by American social and political movements.

"A portion of our Press begins to ascribe all social and political evils in Great Britain to 'the landlords' and 'the aristocracy.' Letters from special correspondents come to Canadian journals aflame with contempt, if not with hatred, for lords and dukes. We have writers aping and demagogues mouthing Lloyd George, and boldly challenging the foundations of many honored and venerable British institutions. Is there only concern for 'autonomy' behind the desperate resistance to naval cooperation with Great Britain?

"Canada occupies no such isolated position as Australia or New Zealand or South Africa. In Europe movement

daily, call attention to the Americanization of Canada find an echo in papers so important as the London Post and the London Mail. Their appearance almost simultaneously with the choice of Prince Alexander of Teck as Governor-General is held to be the merest accident, however. The opinion expressed by the Ottawa Free Press is that Canada will continue to receive princes of the royal blood as governors-general hereafter. "It is thought that in the course of a few years the post may be made permanent and that a prince once appointed to represent the King in Australia, Canada and the other oversea possessions may be appointed for life." Nevertheless, as the London Times asks editorially, are all things working as they should for a British Canada in the future or for an American? Its speculations on that theme run thus:

"It is not a matter, in the ordinary sense, of British patriotism or loyalty to the British connexion. In the United States, no doubt, there is still the old belief that Canada must some day, and by her own will, be 'annexed'; but that is merely a survival of antiquated ideas about the unity of North America, which has no real relation to modern conditions. They were only pertinent to a time when objection could be taken to government from Downing Street, and became obsolete when Canada grew into a nation and one of the responsible units of the Empire. Buť the question of the development of Canada, as such an independent unit of the Empire, either along British lines as they present themselves in the Mother Country or along others, is what confronts us now; and our Canadian Correspondent warns us gravely that the prevailing tendencies are towards what may be generally called 'Americanization.’ This is by no means due simply to the number of citizens of the United States who have been settling in the Western Provinces more particularly. It is the natural result of contiguity to the United States and the greater ease with which American influence can operate. The news that fills the American newspapers takes the same sort of proportion in the Canadian, and Mexico bulks larger than Ulster. Baseball has become the popular game. 'International' leagues for sport, ‘international' unions for labor, bring Americans and Canadians together. The American magazines, carrying American advertisements, spread American ideas of life and make American openings for trade. The Canadian picture-palaces are supplied with films manufactured in the United States, presenting American themes and glorifying the Stars and Stripes, while English films are conspicuous by their absence. The result, if these conditions are permanent, can only be a steady drift of the Canadian mind away from the practices and traditions of the Mother Country."

+

H

UERTA must go. There seems no escape from that situation, to judge from all recent reports from Mexico. But as his enemies hem him in closer and closer on all sides-Villa, Gonzales, Obregon, Zapata and the rest -a sneaking admiration for the old Indian seems to be growing in the United States. You can hear it in conversation, you can see it in the newspapers and you can even read it between the lines in the attacks of his enemies. Several articles in American periodicals have recently appeared that set forth the facts of his career with no attempt to extenuate his misdeeds, but indicating an evident admiration, more or less suppressed, for the stern old warrior.

In the Review of Reviews, N. C. Adossides, in the first half of an article on Huerta, presents him in pretty dark colors as a drunkard, a crafty intriguer, and a boaster. Yet in the latter half of the article you can see a strong disposition to admire him in spite of all his failings. As a war correspondent in Mexico in 1912, Mr. Adossides saw much of Huerta in the field, and, speaking of the latter's love for alcoholic liquors, he says: "One became accustomed to see him borne away to his apartments by his intimates among the staff officers." Yet in spite of these and other similar incidents, we find the same writer, before he concludes his article, making admissions like this: "Like Porfirio Diaz, and the analogy between the two men is marked, Huerta will be recognized by foreigners and Mexicans as a great man." He has not had time to show what he can do in the way of pacifying Mexico; it took Diaz twelve years to restore order. But, says Mr. Adossides, he has already "proven himself to be a potent administrator as well as a most efficient militarist." He has "surrounded himself with competent men," and he has "shown the penetrating power of a veritable statesman."

This sort of extorted admiration is seen also in an article by A. H. Williams, in the N. Y. Herald. He describes Huerta as cruel, merciless and treacherous, and paints a vivid picture of him as he appears every evening in his home, with a bottle of cognac by his side, his waistcoat unbuttoned,

drinking until his eyelids grow heavy and his head nods and he falls to sleep in his chair. But we find this writer also, before he closes, paying tribute to his "strength, indomitable will, fixity of resolve, and absolute ignorance of fear."

"No one doubts

He says: Huerta's bravery. He does not know fear. Into the muzzle of a gun he will look with the very same indifference with which he regards a plea for mercy. He is nothing more than a rough soldier, but down in his heart he has admiration and respect for a brave man. . . . If he was ever whipped no one remembers the engagement. Sometimes he ran away, but always he came back."

The most informing and, to all appearances, the most fair and impartial article on Huerta that has appeared is one in the June Atlantic Monthly, by Louis C. Simonds, for thirty years a resident of Mexico. He lays stress on the necessity of seeing and judging Huerta according to his environment and according to the standards of his own people. All the men, we are reminded, who, in the last half-century, have shown any capacity to govern Mexico have been largely or wholly of the indigenous race. Juarez was a fullblooded Indian of the Zopoteca tribe. Diaz, tho tracing his ancestry back in part to European stock, showed in his physique and temperament the predominant characteristics of the Mixteca tribe. Tejada, of pure European descent, failed and was driven from the country. Maximilian failed and was put to death. Madero, descended from the Portuguese Jews, failed and paid the penalty with his life. Huerta is about half Indian, tho in sentiment much more than half. He is descended from the warlike Xalixca tribe. This importance of the Indian in Mexican political affairs must be kept in mind by anyone who attempts to judge Huerta. As a boy he probably wore the humble cotton garb of the Indian, the coarse straw hat, the scapular and sandals, and received the rudiments of an education from the parish priest. But he was an apt pupil, and General Guerra, being attracted by his intelligence, sent him to the military school at Chapultepec, the West Point of Mexico. There he distinguished himself in topography and astronomy, and took all the chief prizes of his class.

When, later, he was assigned to the Geographical Survey Commission, he was the one member, according to President Diaz, whose calculations never needed correction. He is, therefore, very far from being an uneducated man. Aside from his military position, he is a professional engineer.

Huerta was selected by Diaz to quell revolt after revolt, and his success carried him up the ladder rapidly. It is said that Diaz distrusted him at one time, but it was to Huerta that Diaz at the last, when leaving Mexico, entrusted the lives of himself and his family. It was to Huerta also that De la Barra entrusted the operations against Zapata. And in spite of a quarrel with him, it was to Huerta again that Madero appealed to check the formidable advance begun by Orozco. And it was to him again that Madero turned when Felix Diaz with his guns was at the very gates of the palace. If Huerta is indeed the treacherous hound some have described him, three Presidents of Mexico have been strangely blind in entrusting him with power. In the last chapter of Madero's career, when many think he had lost all balance and was fit for an asylum, Huerta had a particularly difficult position. He was in command of a disaffected army, unable to feel any enthusiasm for a civilian President. He believed more than once that he was about to be arrested by Madero. And, according to Mr. Simonds, he was besieged by prominent Mexicans of all parties-senators, judges, bankers and business men-as well as by foreign residents and even foreign diplomats, to end the struggle that was fast laying Mexico City in ruins. bassador was one of those who appealed to Huerta to end the carnage in the streets, and it was under the roof of our embassy that the pact between Huerta and Felix Diaz was drawn and signed.

Our own am

As to the murder of Madero, Mr. Simonds speaks with uncertainty. Juarez could not, we are reminded, be brought to see that the life of Maximilian should be spared. That course was too much at variance with his Indian ideas. Whether the fate of Madero and Suarez was due to the same racial instincts in Huerta is not known, says Mr. Simonds. Huerta himself has