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VIVIANI FORMS A CABINET IN PARIS

POINCARÉ'S REFUSAL TO
TO BE DRIVEN FROM THE
FRENCH PRESIDENCY

II

ALL Europe fixed its attention last month upon that cedented prominence. A delicate situation with refer

fresh effort to drive Raymond Poincaré from the French Presidency which may plunge the third republic in the supreme crisis of its history. Behind the "plot," as the Figaro deems it, is the implacable Joseph Caillaux, now more dominant than ever in the Chamber, while in alliance with him, according to others, stands George Clemenceau, the anti-clerical veteran. The first step in the war on Poincaré was the resignation of Premier Doumergue. His departure caused surprise. He refused to comply with the President's entreaty to await a vote in the newly chosen chamber before laying down his office. The relations between M. Poincaré and M. Caillaux being so embittered, the President did not at first apply to a follower of the latter's in his search for a Premier. The whole radical scheme, observes a correspondent of the Vienna Neue Freie Presse, is to prove to Poincaré that while he remains President no ministry representing the majority can possibly be formed. He will be driven to such expedients as the organization of "stop gap" cabinets incapable of enacting laws. The President let it be known that he would neither resign nor abandon the somewhat

ence to this lady results from insinuations that the campaign against her husband may be extended to herself. Hints in the London Express and other dailies that some personal litigation in which she figured will soon be revived with a wealth of embarrassing detail afford proof to Poincaré's friends that the campaign against him will be scandalous. His presidency is, in short, to be made impossible. The recent elections, on the whole, strengthened his enemies. The Socialists led by Jean Jaurès came back with over a hundred votes. Joseph Caillaux and the politicians in more or less sympathy with him control about 165 more. The moderate elements in the chamber can not very well combine with the clericals and conservatives. Hence the practical certainty of a chamber controlled by the Socialists and the Socialist radicals with the aid of two, three or more of the floating groups. M. Poincaré must, as some Paris correspondents of London journals think, either surrender to the radicals or abandon the Presidency.

How President Poincaré Might
Defeat His Enemies.

militarist policy with which he is known to sympathize FRANCE has shown her determination at the polls

One leading politician after another refused to form a ministry or abandoned the effort as hopeless until Poincaré called in Ribot and finally Viviani.

Efforts of Poincaré to Defy His Enemies.

FEW newspapers in Paris took very seriously the policy and purpose of a Ribot cabinet. It would represent the persistence of the President rather than the policy of the chamber, according to the radical Lanterne. Poincaré has inspired in the "left" or radical elements generally a rooted suspicion of his devotion to militarism, to the church, to the kind of strong government which the Kaiser loves. These things mean to him a France capable of making headway against the might of Germany, a France worthy of her place in Europe as the ally of Russia. His spectacular tours throughout France have been crusades in favor of autocracy, according to dailies like the Socialist Humanité. RadiIcals did what they could to spoil the President's trip through central France last year. They caused a modiIfication of the program arranged for the visit to Brit=tany. M. Poincaré kept away from Le Mans altogether,

it is hinted, because the followers of Caillaux there had arranged an unpleasant scene. In the new chamber a "bloc" or combination of political groups bent upon the expulsion of Poincaré is credited with a following of 266-not a majority but strong enough to endanger the position of the President.

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to maintain an army capable of trying conclusions with Germany. Whatever may be the composition of the ministry which the French chamber decides for the present to support, the London Times, like most foreign dailies published outside of France, does not believe any government in Paris will venture to tamper seriously with the three-years-service law. "The anxiety which. has been shown across the Vosges that France should abandon that necessary bulwark of her safety and of her position in Europe will almost certainly prevent responsible men of any party from perpetrating so great a folly." On the other hand, the Socialist and the extreme radicals seem committed to such an administration of the army law as will mitigate its severities while keeping France armed to the teeth. This is the point upon which the champions of M. Poincaré lay such stress. The campaign against him, they say, and even the clerical Gaulois inclines to that view somewhat, can terminate, if successful, only in a reduction of France to helplessness in the presence of Germany. France will be thrown over by her ally, Russia, unless the ideals of Poincaré are to prevail. He is a constitutional Presi

THE FRENCH VIEW OF THE CRISIS WITH GERMANY His Majesty William II. is received with enthusiasm in the capital of Alsace. -Paris Rire

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will provoke disclosures of infamy on another. Poincaré may have to go, observes a writer in the London Express, but the republic may have to go with him. But this is an extreme view. The shrewdest observers suspect that M. Poincaré does no more than play the game of a sensible man resolved not to be bluffed. Meanwhile his relations with Joseph Caillaux remain of the coldest and most formal description. Newspapers devoted to the cause of Caillaux declaim against "Caesarism."

France in the Hands of
Jean Jaurès.

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something more than a new organization created to real-NLESS the new chamber at Paris is vigorously

ize its leader's dream of a worthy parliament in which disciplined parties will war for the sake of principles. Its mere appearance marked the parting of the ways between those conservative republicans and those radical republicans who until recently were working together against clericalism. Clericalism was routed four years. ago when the disintegration of the famous anti-clerical block of Emile Combes brought Briand to the front. The confirmation of these facts was afforded when Poincaré was elected President of the Republic. He had been Premier. He was one of the most distinguished men in French public life, adds the London daily, a careful observer. Raymond Poincaré is sagacious, high-minded, dispassionate, yet a true Lorrainer in being intensely patriotic. He seeks concord among Frenchmen by tempering the asperity of anti-clerical laws. Clemenceau, Caillaux and the rest say he is lulling the republic into a false security in the face of the clerical menace. Briand stands as the champion of the President.

Tactics of the Campaign Against Poincaré.

EVERY detail in the past life of the President of the

French republic has for months been under close investigation, according to the correspondents of London dailies. The history of a divorce in which he fig

ured as counsel and in which the woman who is now his wife was a petitioner has been searched remorselessly. Paris newspapers are becoming "documented." Detectives have been sent to Italy, to Germany and even to the United States for traces of individuals whose recollections would corroborate or embarrass. In a word, the French republic seems on the eve of one of those dramatic "affairs" which, like the Dreyfus case, or the Queen's necklace, elucidate the Latin temperament as a maker of political history. The friends of President Poincaré are already, according to the London Telegraph, rallying around him. He will not be ruined. without a more tremendous expenditure of ammunition than his foes can afford. Charge will be met with countercharge. Revelations of private life on one side.

Not the least of Villa's virtues is his ability to make up Carranza's mind.-Baltimore American.

directed against the Jacobins and revolutionists of the extreme left, within six months it will be at the mercy of M. Jaurès. The opinion is that of the most important and most influential of the organs of the conservative republican element, the Journal des Débats. The impression is confirmed by the more detached London Outlook, which opines, however, that for the moment the military-service law calling for three years with the colors is safe in the sense that no majority can be found to abolish it. The impending domestic crisis in France threatens to be so grave as to eliminate her from world politics, a fact of which Russia is taking note and of which England, fears the London periodical, should be observant :

"There appears to be a solid block of two hundred and fifty revolutionaries, together with at least thirty who are There pledged supporters of a minimum army and navy.

are, besides, numerous questions on which sections of the semi-moderate majority may easily form coalitions with the avowed Socialists, which would bring an avowed socialistic cabinet into office. When we reflect that the whole of France has just been appealed to, that every motive of patriotism and orderly progress has been invoked in order to bring an anti-revolutionist majority to the polls, and that, after all, we have these miserable results, who can

regard the future of France with hopefulness? The historical conservatives are shrunk to an insignificant handful -not a ninth of the chamber. The whole of the supporters of M. Briand, from whom so much was expected, are not much more than a fourth of the entire House. Certainly no statesman more conservative than M. Briand would obtain anything like that amount, comparatively small though it is. The fact that a solid block of two hundred and fifty deputies, with a considerable tail of semi-detached followers, is prepared to go all lengths on behalf of the socialistic program, makes the worst feature which has been revealed by any general election since the third republic was founded amid the disasters of France forty-four years ago. As one of the consequences of the unfortunate situation, it is by no means likely that France will assume any firm attitude in foreign affairs; and the foreign friends of France will have to be on their guard against 'defending French claims."

Mexican peons are getting the land back slowly, but surely-six feet at a time.-Washington Post.

E

YUAN SHI KAI PLANNING A NEW SURPRISE

THE PLOT TO RESTORE THE IMPERIAL
DYNASTY IN CHINA

YUAN SHI KAI maintains so vigilant a guard over

the person of the boy emperor of China that details of a political intrigue involving him leak out intermittently. There is little doubt in the minds of experts in Chinese affairs that this youth is the center of the plot, now an open secret, to restore the imperial dynasty. Whether Yuan had this idea in mind from the beginning or whether he has been driven by circumstances to strive for a return of the Manchus to their discarded throne is a source of speculation in European dailies. Paris papers report from time to time details of a scheme to proclaim the dynasty not as restored, since technically it is not even deposed, but returned. Theoretically, from the Chinese standpoint, the dynasty is enjoying the nation's courteous treatment during the progress of a democratic experiment. Yuan, if we may accept the rumors of the past month as true, will make himself regent when the hour has struck. For this reason the press was placed under the editorial supervizion of the police two months ago. The right to hold public meetings of any kind has been done away with unless a gathering be for some purpose of which the authorities approve in writing. Editorials in the newspapers must not attack the government, while any person under thirty caught editing a periodical is to be imprisoned. Lists of subjects not to be commented upon or discussed in print will be given out from time to time by the police.

White Wolf Makes Yuan Shi
Kai Hesitate.

ALTHOUGH the events of the near future in China

seem likeliest to center around the daily court still maintained by the little boy who has become so important to Yuan, the immediate danger results from the depredations of the White Wolf. All the plans of Yuan may go awry, says the Paris Temps, if his troops do not speedily bring the leader of the brigand rebellion to book. White Wolf found it surprisingly easy to turn back the forty thousand men sent against him six weeks ago. There are hints that the factions opposed to Yuan, some of them formidable, will arrive at an understanding with White Wolf, if that be not already achieved. This would not necessarily mean a miscarriage of the plan to restore the imperial dynasty. Embittered as are. the foes of Yuan, they seem inclined, if they be soldiers or bureaucrats of importance. to work for the overthrow of the republic. The question is merely one of persons. Who shall bring back the emperor, with greatly diminished authority, in order to become viceroy? Yuan sees the point. His troops protect the dynastic heir night and day. There is a suspicion in Peking that Chang Hsun, renowned as soldier and statesman, is behind the

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embarrassments of Yuan just now. Nobody suspects that Yuan, however, is to be caught napping by anyone.

Why Yuan May Not Become
Emperor Himself.

ALL the soldiers of ability in the counsels of Yuan
himself, it seems from the well-informed correspondent
Shi Kai urge him to assume the imperial purple
of the Paris Débats. But the Cantonese politicians
around Yuan Shi Kai assure him that once he is an
emperor a revolt in the southern provinces will render
his rule impossible. With his own camp thus rent, with
White Wolf in arms and Chang Hsun plotting night
and day, to say nothing of the scattered republican par-
ties whom he despises, and the formidable Sheng Yun
with a fanatical following, Yuan looks to the Manchus
as a trump card. Whatever be the motive, however, the
"President" of China seems to have embarked upon a
policy of which one logical outcome is a restored Em-
peror. That most competent authority upon the situa-
tion in China to-day, Mr. J. O. P. Bland, writes in the
London National Review that Yuan's emergence in the
part of high priest at the temple of heaven, wearing the
sacerdotal diadem, would itself seem to foreshadow the
restoration of the dragon throne to its time-honored
place. It is a significant fact to Mr. Bland, moreover,
that upon the outbreak of the revolution Yuan urged
that the reigning family be retained as an emblem of
monarchy.

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WHAT YUAN SHI KAI LEFT OF CHINA'S PARLIAMENT

One by one at first, then in pairs and in dozens, the members of the parliament that was sitting in Peking to frame a republican government found itself reduced to the few here shown until they, as well, went the way of the others, leaving the strong man alone.

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ter of time and opportunity. All recent events tend to justify the belief that the change will be gradually and peacefully accomplished, by steps conforming tactfully to national sentiment and precedent and by adherence to the policy which Yuan publicly proclaimed in 1911; that is to say, by retention of the existing Manchu dynasty with greatly restricted authority. This is the policy which, as we know, commended itself to the astute intelligence of Li Hung Chang, during the crisis of 1900, when the collapse of the Manchu rule was freely discussed, and to the dispassionate judgment of compe

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MEMBERS of the Duma in St. Petersburg were pro

foundly stirred by the news that for any utterances in the Russian parliament of a "seditious" or illegal character they are to be prosecuted. The intimation was followed by the expulsion of twenty-one Socialists. The violence of their obstructive tactics rendered legislation impossible, according to the Paris Figaro. Uproar had succeeded uproar on the subject of the Jews. Mr. Shubinsky, an eminent Octobrist, defending a charge of ritual murder, accused the constitutional democrats of being in the pay of the Finns. "Cad!" cried their leader, Professor Milyoukoff, "blackguard!" Labor leader Kerensky repeatedly called Mr. Shubinsky a liar. Doctor Purischkevitch, the conservative publicist, threatened to smack Professor Milyoukoff's face, which drove the left into calling Dr. Purischkevitch an epileptic. Professor Milyoukoff apologized when called to order, adding: "I must reiterate. nevertheless that Shubinsky is a cad and a blackguard." Dr. Shubinsky retorted, amid the applause of his followers, that he did not know what would have happened if there had been a revolver in his hip-pocket. There ensued a veritable cascade of objurgation and countercharge, the Octobrist leader asserting that there are members of the Duma who do not hesitate to take the gold of Jews. This session, like many others, ended in uproar.

Moderation of the Radicals
in the Duma.

BUREAUCRATIC opinion in St.

Petersburg holds the constitutional democrats in the Duma, led by Milyoukoff, guilty of unpatriotic tactics. It is they, according to the Novoje Vremya, who encourage the rebellious spirit among the Finns. The "cadets," as the constitutional democrats are called, never go the length of the Socialists. The latter, as the Berlin Vorwärts fears, were

DUMA

induced to go to extremes upon a promise of "cadet" support, only to find themselves out on the sidewalk. Mr. Shubinsky, the Octobrist, is annoyed because his party is suspected of associating with the radical element. It will support the Goremykin ministry, he says, in every "national" measure—the latter supposed to include a fresh campaign against the Jews. The governor of Kiev has already refused the request of a Jewish deputation, headed by the local rabbi, that the expulsion of their families from the city be delayed.

THEY CALLED HIM A LIAR IN THE DUMA
He called one of them a blackguard and a cad,
whereupon there was an allusion to a pistol in a
hip-pocket. His refined features reveal him as
the noted idealist, Professor Milyoukoff, constitu-
tional democrat.

The orders were issued because many Jews lost the right to live in Kiev through the closing of the schools in which their children were pupils. Professor Milyoukoff is thought by his critics to have been somewhat cold to the misfortunes of these people. The Socialists took up their cause before they were turned

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out.

Keeping the Members of the
Duma Out of Mischief.

WHEN the Socialists resume their

seats in the Duma, which will

be in no long time apparently, the threat of prosecution for "illegal" speeches must provoke them afresh. Every Socialist daily in Europe makes much of that, altho the more conservative Russophiles in the European press, like the Figaro, affirm that the Socialists can accomplish nothing. There are not three million workingmen in all Russia, we are reminded, and they are scattered from St. Petersburg to Odessa. The labor movement is harmless, if noisy, from a bureaucratic point of view. The one element feared by the government is the peasantry, who are conciliated by the new land laws. These give the small farmer a chance to buy his few acres outright with the aid of loans through the department of agriculture. The same benevolence prompts that "shepherding" of peasant deputies in the Duma which makes even their

MRS. PANKHURST CALLS AT BUCKINGHAM PALACE

comments:

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letters subject to censorship and their correspondence ments in the realm of Nicholas II., has these pessimistic liable to supervizion. Premier Goremykin does what he can to prevent the peasant mind from succumbing to the sophistries of Socialism, as a writer in the Paris Humanité tells us. He would feed and clothe his majority in the Duma, if necessary.

Awaiting the Destruction

of the Duma.

REVOLUTIONARY organs published by Russian refugees in the capitals of western Europe predict a practical termination of the Duma as an independent legislative body. One deputy, for instance, has been prosecuted for referring with admiration in a speech to the republican form of government. Outside the Duma, the mere fact of membership in a social-democratic organization is an offense punishable with penal servitude. A bill aiming at the establishment of the principle of free speech within the Duma was introduced recently by the Octobrists and Progressists, The Goremykin ministry opposed this measure, and it was extinguished in some committee or other. In due time the radical elements supported a motion that the Duma hold up the budget until the right of free speech in the Russian parliament be conceded. The violence of recent sessions is due in part to the refusal of the Octobrists to maintain their original position. Darkest Russia (London), organ of the more progressive and radical political ele

As Sylvia Pankhurst might observe, the cause would advance more rapidly if there wasn't so much arrested progress.—Washington Post.

"The Duma would have been perfectly justified in refusing to transact government business until its members were assured that they were safe from prosecution for their speeches; and we are convinced that in adopting such a position it would have had the profound sympathy of every Parliamentarian in the world. After all, of what were the Octobrist deputies who opposed the motion afraid? Of dissolution? But dissolution is preferable to the continued existence of a Duma which is not only gagged but is bound

hand and foot. It has to be borne in mind that the attack upon liberty of speech is but a move in the systematic campaign of aggression which is being waged by the government against the rights of the Duma. We have lately heard the Premier deny his liability to answer interpellations. We have seen the right of legislative initiative flouted by a manifestly preposterous reading of the regulations. And now we find the Constitution of the Duma, which the Tzar pledged himself to uphold, distorted by a similarly outrageous 'interpretation.' As M. Efremoff declared in the course of last week's debate, what is at stake is not so much the security of deputies as the most essential rights of the people, who are entitled to look to the Duma as a platform from which their grievances may be presented without fear or hindrance. But such a platform is just what the government does not want, and its abolition is a direct challenge to the people to get ready for the life-and-death struggle which cannot be much longer delayed."

Altho Great Britain will not make an official exhibit at the Frisco exposition, it may on second thought send over its art treasures for safe keeping.-Grand Rapids Press.

THE SUFFRAGET REIGN OF TERROR
IN LONDON

GEORGE V. has seen his palace invaded, his box at

the theater bombarded and his levée disturbed in the series of demonstrations organized last month in the interests of votes for women. Never, says the London Standard, have the followers of Mrs. Pankhurst set law and order at such open defiance. The net result is a growing determination by the Home Office in London to abandon the tactics of the cat-and-mouse act by simply permitting the suffragets to starve themselves to death in prison. If this plan is adopted, food and water will be placed in the cell of a hunger striker, and the responsibility for her suicide must then be assumed by herself. Official confirmation of this policy is lacking. The Home Secretary repudiates it. It has, however, according to the official organ of the suffragets, been carefully matured. The crisis was induced by some seventy arrests after the attempt to force a deputation into the King's presence at Buckingham Palace. The police The police were misled by a strategic march of hundreds of women. up Grosvenor Place to the Waterloo Arch. Here a conflict with armed constables diverted attention from Mrs. Pankhurst, commanding a force of veteran campaigners armed with hat-pins.

Mrs. Pankhurst Outwits
London Constables.

there is a story in the Graphic that the women captured a policeman and dressed one of themselves in his clothes. They had made their way well towards the Palace before the gates were closed. The followers of Mrs. Pankhurst tried to drag mounted men from their horses. They were beaten off, in some instances, with cudgels. Closely guarded by her veterans, Mrs. Pankhurst pushed past an outer detachment of police, whereupon the second line of defense repelled the onslaught by driving the women in the direction of the crowd. The bodyguard of Mrs. Pankhurst resisted fiercely, using hat-pins, finger-nails, fists and feet, until Mrs. Pankhurst was lifted bodily from the ground and carried off to a taxicab. As she was borne past the group of reporters, Mrs. Pankhurst, pale but composed in manner, notwithstanding the rents in her attire, said: "Arrested at the gates of the Palace-tell the King that!" The object of the month's outbreaks, according to the London organ of militant suffragism, is to make His Majesty see that Prime Minister Asquith is bestowing the worst advice possible "from a practical standpoint." Hence the noisy demonstrations at the royal matinée in His Majesty's Theater. Hence, too, the damage to pictures in the National Gallery and the Royal Academy and the renewed efforts to blow up churches and mansions.

Suffragets Resolved to Be
More Militant Than Ever.

HOW Mrs. Pankhurst evaded the force thrown around Buckingham Palace is a mystery. Many women managed to go through the lines after her, a cir- NO ORGAN of militant suffragism, least of all the

cumstance inspiring some suspicion that the police contained a few sympathizers with the cause. Indeed,

weekly London Suffragette, abates a jot of its bellicose tone. The campaign will be continued, we

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