deceased, in commisssoners, for the benefit of his creditors:"" and "An act for the relief of Isaac Butler." In all fifty-three acts, covering two hundred and forty-three pages--the mere titles only, of eight being inserted.

This species of information, will give some idea of the rapid multiplication of the laws, of their imperfection, and frequent alteration; of the variety of subjects acted on, and of the little care and great labour, of legislators.

Before the narrative for the year is closed, it is deemed pertinent to remark, that a breach made by the rulers of France, with the United States, ostensibly on account of the late treaty with Great Britain; was growing with the lapse of time, and occurrence of events. President Washington whose patriotic and liberal mind, embraced the hope, dear to him, of uniting anti-federalists, to federalists, and of presenting to foreign nations the formidable image of an undivided people, in support of a national government; had, on the same principle that he took Mr. Jefferson into the cabinet, afterwards sent Mr. Monroe as minister to France: who instead of serving his patron and the United States, by firmly and ably maintaining the line of policy adopted by them; which was to maintain independently, the neutrality of the United States, in all their rights of treaty, and otherwise; forgot, it would seem, his office, and his duties; countenanced unfounded, and untoward claims of France, upon his own government; and even cherished her discontents, and growing resentments, ostensibly on account of the treaty; but really because the United States would not join her, in the war against Great Britain. Under these circumstances, and urged by his anxiety to have a full and just representation of his past transactions, as well as of his present disposition, and future views laid before the French govern ment, before it should take any practical measures, of a violent or unfriendly character; the president determined to super sede Colonel Monroe, by the appointment of General Charles Coatsworth Pinkney. A man of high merit, the most unblemished character, and known partiality to France; but of the president's politics, as to foreign nations, and the conduct of

the United States: him, the French cabinet assuming muck haughteur refused to receive. And thus shut the door against those friendly communications and explanations, which he was destined to make. When a friend is spurned from the door of a friend, what but enmity can ensue? Nay, it was evinced already, at least on the side of France. She, although unprin cipled, and eager for plunder, did not think it yet expedient, to strike the decisive blow. There was an approaching election to take place in the ensuing autumn, of persons to choose a president, and vice president of the United States. An opinion, had gone abroad, that President Washington, would withdraw to private life; and that Mr. Jefferson would proba bly succeed him: in that event, France, whose friends in the United States (Kentucky furnishing her full quota) were not only numerous, but noisy, expecting every thing to be conce ded to her, did not like to endanger the loss of those friends, by precipitate measures. Therefore she tempered her ire, with a few grains of policy. In the mean time President Washington, published his valedictory; in which he declined further service. This removed, all difficulty from the Jefferson party, who till then had been kept in suspense by the usual expression of public opinion in favour of Washington. For although the leaders of the party, had deserted, and denouneed him; yet many of their followers in all other points, withdrew from them, on this. Nor was it long before the rival candidates were known. John Adams, then vice president, was taken up by the federalists, for president; and Thomas Pinke hey, late minister near St. James's, for vice president. The other party, exerted itself for Mr. Jefferson alone.

Their previous contests, about the British treaty, in which the house of representatives in congress, as to several points, exhibited a majority of Jeffersonians, disaffected Americans, French party, or "republicans," as they called themselves, had produced great heats, and animosities; and which were by no means allayed in this contest. Admitting both parties to have been sincere, of which there is no reason to doubt, as men may be as candid in error, as when correct; when in the wrong, as

in the right; yet it is to be asserted upon the most deliberate review, that the neutral system adopted by the president, and supported by the federalists, was the true and genuine American policy; while the course pursued by Mr. Jefferson, and his adherents, was of a character perfectly the reverse. So that if they made pretence to be honest men, they proved to be weak politicians; except in the art of managing the multitude. Their means for effecting this object, being adverted to, will be found to place their morality upon no higher a grade than that of their national policy; suppressions of truth, and assertions of falsehood-gross misrepresentations of federal men, and measures, had been, and continued to be, the course pursued by them. President Washington, as already seen, so far from escaping them, had been, and yet was, an object of their peculiar resentment, and malicious animadversion. No review, however, can do justice to the parties in this controversy, without recurring to French affairs; nor can more than an epitome be offered.

To Louis XVI. of France, the United States had rendered their thanks, and their gratitude, for aiding them in their attainment of independence. But a revolution had taken place in that country, and the head of Louis had been cut off by a triumphant party, who had determined to send a minister to the United States: always an important measure in its commencement; but in that instance, much enhanced by attendant circumstances, both in Europe and America. President Washington, expecting this new minister in 1793, had made certain queries, as his manner was, on interesting occasions, touching his reception, in order to have the opinion of his cabinet ministers; although probably, he did not doubt as to any one of the points. Mr. Jefferson was one of those ministers: and although the queries, were resolved in favour of the reception of the minister from the French republic, as it was called, who was Mr. Genet, a firebrand, as already seen, yet these queries, about this year, were brought forth in one, of a series of virulent publications against the federal administration. Making the mere matter of consultation, the topic of an

inflammatory philippic against the president. An extract is worthy of commemoration; notwithstanding its fabrication was the result of treachery, no less than of the most rancorous party spirit: for the document referred to, had been committed in confidence, to the cabinet ministers only. It commences: "The foregoing queries were transmitted for consideration, to the heads of departments, previous to a meeting to be held at the president's house. The text needs no commentary. It has, stamped upon its front, in characters brazen enough for idolatry to comprehend, perfidy and ingratitude. To doubt, in such a case, was dishonourable; to proclaim those doubts, treachery. For the honour of the American character, and of human nature, it is to be lamented that the records of the United States exhibit such a stupendous monument of degeneracy. It will almost require the authenticity of holy writ, to persuade posterity that it is not a libel, ingeniously contrived, to injure the reputation of the saviour of his country." While this was said, with the view of persuading the people that the president was the enemy of France, and thus alienating them in their enthusiastic admiration of the revolution, from him, who is confessed to have been the saviour of his country. Mr. Jefferson, either knowing his own negligence, by which his copy of these queries had got into the hands of his clerk, Monsieur Freneau, and were thence conveyed to the French legation; or conscious that he would be suspected of having betrayed the confidence reposed in him, thought it necessary to write to the president, and assure him, "that this breach of confidence must be ascribed to some other;" taking occasion to remark withall, in the same letter, "that he was totally abstracted, from all party questions."

To this letter, the president replied:

"If I had entertained any suspicion before, that the queries which have been published in Bache's paper proceeded from you, the assurances you have given of the contrary, would have removed them-but the truth is, I harboured none.

"I am at no loss to conjecture, from what source they flowed;

through what channel they were conveyed; nor for what pur pose they, and similar publications, appear.

"As you have mentioned the subject yourself, it would not be frank, candid, or friendly, to conceal, that your conduct has been represented as derogating from that opinion I conceived you entertained of me; that to your particular friends and connexions, you have described, and they have denounced me, as a person under a dangerous influence, and that if I would listen more to some other opinions, all would be well. My answer invariably has been, that I had never discovered any thing in the conduct of Mr. Jefferson, to raise suspicions in my mind, of his sincerity; that if he would retrace my public conduct while he was in the administration, abundant proofs would occur to him, that truth, and right decisions, were the sole objects of my pursuit; that there were as many instances within his own knowledge, of my having decided against, as in favour of the person evidently alluded to; and moreover, that I was no believer in the infallibility of the politics or measures of any man living. In short, that I was no party man myself, and that the first wish of my heart was, if parties did exist, to reconcile them.

"To this I may add, and very truly, that until the last year or two, I had no conception that parties would, or even could, go the lengths that I have been witness to; nor did I believe, until lately, that it was within the bounds of probability-hardly within those of possibility-that while I was using my utmost exertions to establish a national character of our own, independent, as far as our obligations and justice would permit, of every nation of the earth; and wished by steering a steady course, to preserve this country from the horrors of a desolating war, I should be accused of being the enemy of one nation, and subject to the influence of another; and to prove it, that every act of my administration would be tortured, and the grossest and most insidious misrepresentations of them, be made, by giving one side only of a subject, and that too in such exaggerated, and indecent terms, as could scarcely be