governor of the truth of this rumor. Receiving an evasive answer, they passed resolutions, at "the peril of their lives and fortune," to maintain their rights-and, affecting to anticipate a French war, voted that all the inhabitants should observe the law of the province, which required them to be provided "with a well-finished fire-lock, musket, accoutrements, and ammunition "—a significant sign of their resolution to be prepared for all extremities. On the refusal of the governor to summon a legislature, they voted to invite the rest of the towns to a convention, to be held in a few weeks afterwards, to consult upon measures "for his majesty's service, and the safety of the province." Ninety-six of the ninety-seven townships concurred, and the convention accordingly met on the 22d September. Their proceedings were marked by much moderation; and after a session of five days, they adjourned, having disclaimed any legislative authority-made professions of loyalty-adopted petitions and remonstrances, in which they complained of being grievously misrepresented to the king-and recommended forbearance, good order, and the preservation of the peace.

A few days after their adjournment, the troops disembarked with great parade. The fleet of men-of-war and Oct. 1768. frigates which brought them, drew up in warlike order; and two regiments, instead of one, were landed under cover of the guns, as if invading an enemy's country. The selectmen being applied to, to provide quarters for the soldiers, peremptorily refused-and Fanueil Hall was, by order of the governor, opened to them. This building also contained the courts and public offices. It was immediately put into the condition of a garrison. Two field-pieces were placed immediately in front. Guards were stationed at the door-soldiers were constantly marching and countermarching-and the sentries challenged the inhabitants as they passed. The sabbath, so religiously observed in Massachusetts, was profaned by drillings and parades, the marching of troops, and the sound of martial music. The resentment of the people was, for a while, checked in its manifes tations, by this display of force, and by the want of their house of representatives, which had been dissolved, and could not legally meet, except on the summons of the governor, until the next May. But their indignation was only suppressed, not quelled. Bickerings and collisions between the soldiery and the populace occurred daily, to exas

perate the temper of the colonies more keenly against, not only these measures of the British government, but against British authority altogether. Out of this military occupation of the town of Boston, sprang some of the most exciting and dangerous collisions that preceded the revolution.

Before these proceedings were known in Great Britain, the Earl of Chatham, who had not, for a long time, been able to attend to business, had withdrawn from the ministry-and Lord Shelburne had given way to Lord Weymouth.

When parliament met in November, American affairs were immediately brought before them; and on the 15th of December, the house of lords passed a number of resolutions, censuring the conduct of the legislature and people of Massachusetts in the severest terms-approving the measures already taken by the ministry to suppress these attacks, upon the authority of his majesty-and praying his majesty to direct the governor of Massachusetts, "to take the most effectual methods for procuring the fullest information, touching all treasons or misprisions of treasons, committed within the government, since the 30th day of December 1767; and to transmit the same, together with the names of the persons who were most active in the commission of such offences, to one of the Secretaries of State, in order that his majesty might issue a special commission, for inquiring of, hearing and determining, the said offences within the realm of Great Britain, pursuant to the provisions of the statute of the 35th of King Henry the 8th."

Feb. 1769.

The house of commons concurred in these resolutions without opposition; and thus the three branches of the British government, solemnly approved of the whole train of measures pursued by the ministry at home, and the royal governors in the colonies, to enforce the taxing power against every resistance and remonstrance.

But, in the interim, the combinations in America against the importation of British merchandize, had produced the same effect in England as when they had been employed to defeat the stamp act. The trade, commerce, manufactures, navigation, and revenue of the kingdom, suffered materially; and the bad policy of irritating the Americans, had become obvious to the authors of the mischief. To retreat from the stand, taken in favor of the British claims, was neither practicable, had they been so disposed, consistent with the temper of parliament and the state of parties-nor did it accord

with their own feelings and doctrines. Few friends of Amer ica, on the constitutional point, were yet to be found; and most of those who opposed ministers, rested upon the inexpediency of exercising these powers at that time, and in such a mode. The cabinet accordingly pursued nearly the same policy as had been adopted, with such little success, in the repeal of the stamp act. Accompanying the resolutions, so hostile to the colony of Massachusetts for her zeal in the cause of America, and so subversive of the liberties of all Americans, by making them subject to transportation to England for trial upon the king's suit, was a circular letter, engaging to make certain concessions and alterations in the acts complained of; which, it was thought, would make them. more acceptable. A repeal of all the taxes, except that on tea, was offered. That tax, notwithstanding its trifling amount, was to be retained, in the nature of a declaratory act; and, it was believed, that this union of rigor and concession, would vindicate the power of Great Britain, and secure the acquiescence of the colonies.

The expectation was totally disappointed. The conflicts of four years, against the principle of taxation, under such constantly reiterated assaults upon their liberties in other forms, had embittered the feelings of the colonists towards Great Britain, and imbued them with a thorough distrust of all the acts and policy of the British government. The conciliatory promise was altogether disregarded; and the provision for the trial of accused persons, under the act of Henry VIII. became a new subject for alarm, angry suspicion,

remonstrance, and resentment.

The Massachusetts legislature was not in session; but the house of burgesses of Virginia, promptly led the way in denouncing the acts aimed against a sister colony, as an assault upon the common liberty. Early in May they re-asserted their sole and exclusive right to raise taxes; and declared that all trials for "treason, misprisions of treason, or for any felony or crime whatever, committed in the colony, ought to be before the courts of the colony;" and that "sending them beyond the seas" to be tried, is "highly derogatory to the rights of British subjects." The governor, Lord Botetourt informed of these proceedings, and highly incensed, appeared unexpectedly in the house, on the next day, and addressed them in these words: "Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the house of representatives, I have heard of your resolves,

and augur ill of their effects; you have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are accordingly dissolved." The members instantly met in an unofficial capacity; and choosing Peyton Randolph, the late speaker, moderator, entered into a written engagement not to import any of the taxed articles; and included in the prohibition other articles, the diminution of the consumption of which might affect the interests of Great Britain. Maryland, Delaware, and New-York, adopted similar resolutions; and the assembly of the las mentioned province ordered those of Virginia to be entered at large on the journals. Those of North Carolina were so strong, that Governor Tryon dissolved the assembly. South Carolina not only joined in these views, but openly disobeyed the act for quartering troops.

The non-importation agreements became general-it might almost be said universal. Those signed by the Virginia burgesses, were rapidly circulated; and signatures of a vast number of individuals, were speedily obtained. A non-importation confederacy was extended throughout the provinces, and committees organized for superintending and enforcing the execution of the compact. Georgia and Rhode Island, were the last to come into the league; and such was the temper with which their refusal was regarded, that some places of considerable magnitude-Charleston, in South Carolina, for example-discontinued all intercourse with them until they joined, Georgia in September, and Rhode Island in October.

While the other colonies were thus generously and firmly espousing the cause of American rights, vitally assailed in the oppressive measures put in force against Massachusetts, that undaunted commonwealth was gallantly waging a direct controversy with the royal governor, backed by a British fleet and army. When the general court met in May, their first measure was to demand from the governor the immediate removal of the land forces out of the city, and sea forces from the port, during the session of the assembly; for the reason, as they expressed it, that "an armament by sea and land, investing the metropolis, and a military guard, with cannon pointed at the door of the state house, are inconsistent with that dignity and freedom, with which they had a right to deliberate, consult, and determine." Upon his refusal, they peremptorily refused to proceed to business, until he adjourned them to Cambridge. Notwithstanding their repeated denials of his power to adjourn them to any place out H

of Boston, they proceeded to discuss the subject of their rights; and, concurring in the Virginia resolutions, with respect to the transporting of Americans to Great Britain for trial, they added an energetic declaration, that the establishment of "a standing army in the colony in time of peace, without the consent of the general assembly, is an invasion of the natural rights of the people,' as well as those which they claimed by magna charta, the bill of rights, and the charter of the province."

Towards the close of the session, the governor made a requisition upon them, to provide funds for paying for the quartering of the troops. After repeated demands on his part, they passed some high-toned resolves; concluding with resolving, that they never' would make any such provision as he asked for; as they could not do it consistently with their ' own honor,' or their ' duty to their constituents.' The governor accordingly prorogued them to the 10th of the next January; and on the 1st August, he sailed for Europe, having been ordered home by the ministry; and was succeeded in the government of the province by lieutenant governor Hutchinson.

July 12

Shortly afterwards, the people of Boston, at a October. town meeting, took into consideration the circular letter of Lord Hillsborough, of which mention has been before made in this chapter, offering a repeal of all the duties in dispute, under the last revenue aot, except the tea duty. They resolved that such a measure" would not be satisfactory; that it would not relieve trade from its burdens, much less remove the grounds of discontent, which prevailed throughout the continent, upon HIGHER PRINCIPLES." "In short," they continued, "the grievances which lie heavy upon us we shall never think redressed, till every act passed by the British parliament, for the express purpose of raising a revenue upon us without our consent, is repealed-till the American Board of Commissioners of the Customs is dissolved; the troops recalled; and things are restored to the state they were in before the late extraordinary measures of administration took place."

The letter of the merchants of Philadelphia, to their correspondents in London, dated 25th of November, 1769, describes most faithfully and strongly the temper of the times, and the points in dispute. Some extracts follow:

We are very sensible that the prosperity of the colonies