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ny, and by saving had accumulated a large amount of wages. His period of service happened to expire while the ship was at New London, and he demanded and received his discharge. He went on shore with several hundred dollars, but, when there, knew not what to do. There were no villanous crimps, in that quiet place, to help him to spend his money; and he wandered half drunk about the streets, amusing, by his humorous sallies, the staid people of the town. At last he purchased an old wheel-barrow, into which he emptied the contents of the neighboring cake and candy shops, adding a goodly supply of toys and ribands; thus charged, he perambulated the streets with a crowd of laughing children in his wake, all willing to become his customers, since he distributed his wares gratis. In trundling his barrow about, the wheel was broken, but this annoyed him but little; he soon cleared the wreck, and substituted as a jury wheel, in its stead, a large white-oak cheese, purchased of the nearest grocer.

With this rig he continued his route. In a few days he had exhausted this source of amusement, as well as the contents of his purse, when he returned on board, and resumed with cheerfulness his former occupations, commencing again to lay up money for another cruise on shore.

Knowing, as we do, the character of these simple and confiding men, we can easily account for the influence exercised over them, by their landlords. So long as their money holds out, they are permitted to do as they please; but the moment the last dollar is expended, they become the slaves of these ruffianly tyrants. To procure food and drink they must have money or credit; and they soon contract a debt, which can only be liquidated by the advance, usually paid, to those engaging on a new voyage. Their clothing has probably been sold or pawned for liqnor, and they embark with hardly sufficient of raiment to cover their nakedness. Being debtors to the landlords, these men have an unbounded control over their movements; they can prevent their shipping, and, by combination among themselves, detain vessels for want of hands.

There has always been more or less difficulty in getting the crews on board of outward bound merchant ships. Many are put on board drunk, and incapable of performing any duty, for hours after the pilot had taken his departure. In the southern ports it is infinitely worse than at New-York. At New Orleans, for instance, sailors, in the expectation of obtaining higher wages, generally desert from the ship in which they are engaged to perform a voyage: and such is the want of energy, in the administration of the laws in regard to seamen, that punishment is rarely inflicted upon them for the most open infractions of engagements, to which the most important of our national interests require that they should be bound, at least as rigorously as any other class of men. Ships, in this way, are left without crews; and to enable them to prosecute their voyages, others must be obtained, upon the emergency, at any cost of trouble or expense. To this end the services of the landlords, the very men who harbor the runaways, are put in requisition, and these wretches, after trumping up a bill against the deluded sailor, thrust him into his new ship drunk and half naked. Thus he changes from one ship to another, after spending a week of debauchery in some filthy place of concealment, where he contracts a debt to his seducer, which he is constrained to work out by his last contract, unless he can contrive to desert again, and pass another week of riot.

Most vessels now sailing from New Orleans, are towed by steam-boats to the mouth of the Mississippi; and as each steamer takes several at a trip, the

hour of departure is well understood, that all may be in readiness at the appointed time. It therefore behooves the captains to have their respective crews on board. To effect this the crimps are busy in bringing forward their men; but it often happens that some of the number have strayed from their dens of concealment, and are not to be found when the ship to which they are assigned is to depart, and it becomes necessary to have others in their place. It matters little to the landlord who he substitutes. Sometimes, when embarrassed, they will seize on any one in sailor's garb they may chance to meet; perhaps some drunken boatman of the river found asleep on the Levee. In the hurry and confusion of departure, which usually takes place in the evening, the trick is not discovered; and the poor wretch, when roused from his insensibility, finds himself at sea, perfectly unconscious of the voyage he is to make.

It is difficult to suggest any effective remedy for these and similar abuses. To improve the character of the landlords appears to be the most efficient course, and this can only be done by the merchants, by countenancing and employing the few among them who are conscientious and well-disposed, and by visiting upon the much larger portion, the vile and dishonest, the full penalties of the law, whenever these evil practices can be detected.

In a great city like New York, whose commercial wealth is second only to that of London, there should exist a competent court, devoted exclusively to that portion of the community connected with shipping, steamers, and river craft. It should be made the province of the magistrates of this court, to have cognizance of all misdemeanors committed, either on board vessels in the stream, or at the wharves, to keep a registry of all sea-faring men, and to exercise a general supervision over the conduct of landlords, crimps, sailors and watermen. But, in default of this useful tribunal, which it is not probable will very soon be established, the merchants, as a body, might constitute an agent to look after these concerns, whose duty it should be to superintend the enrolment and discharge of seamen; the arrival and departure of ships; the suitable supplies and stowage of provisions and water; the getting the crews on board outward bound vessels; assisting in securing those just arriving; and, in a word, to watch over the mutual interests of the merchants, masters, and sailors.

The well-directed efforts of these agents, when put forth, in concert with those of the "Bethel and Seaman's Friend Societies," would have an extraordinary tendency to defeat the artifices of the landlords, and benefit immeasurably the moral and religious character of seamen. We should no longer hear of combinations among them for higher wages; merchants would, of their own accord, pay them with a just liberality suited to the exigencies of the times, nor would ships be detained when ready for sea, at great expense, with the frequent loss of a fair wind.

The abuses which exist can, and ought to be, corrected. Captains and mates are not so much at fault in the case, as owners and their agents. We are constantly reading in the public papers, of large donations by merchants to various objects of benevolence at home, and in distant countries, but rarely, very rarely, do we hear of any having for their chief object the benefit of those neglected men, to whose hardy toil they are indebted for their princely fortunes. Do they fulfil to these the duties enjoined upon them, as faithful masters, watchful over the moral and religious condition of their servants? Do they give proper attention to their health and comfort? The answer must be in the negative. This neglect ought not, perhaps, to be ascribed to

a want of any sentiment of justice or liberality towards seamen, among shipowners. They would, doubtless, most promptly promote any measure, that should promise benefit to the sailor. Let them understand by what means this desirable object may be attained, and they will cheerfully lend their best influence to the work. Of this we feel assured; for among them, if there be a few ready to plunder Greek or Turk, Jew or Gentile, there are others as generous and open-hearted with their wealth, as the most heedless sailor in their employ. Y.

ART. III. THE COMPARATIVE IMPORTANCE OF AGRICULTURE, COMMERCE, AND MANUFACTURES.

It is a very important question, in political economy, how far government should interfere, with a view to control or direct the enterprises of individual citizens. We speak of enterprises in a general and comprehensive sense; and include what is usually meant by trade, business, commerce, and speculation. From the nature of man, it may be justly expected that there will be different employments, occupations, and pursuits, in society. And it is best it should be so. The division of labor, or labor for different objects and ends, is as useful as it is natural, and it is an equally evident truism, that every one has a right to choose his own pursuit or employment, in so far as it does not injure his neighbor or the community at large. A greater amount of product is the result of the action of this unrestrained principle; and every individual has also the greater satisfaction in his particular pursuit or labor.

In the early periods of society, there was probably very little restraint and very little interference with individual enterprise and employment. The only, or principal compulsion, was to oblige men to become soldiers, in many cases, for the glory of a military prince, whose commands the people were obliged to obey; or to labor on public works, undertaken by the pride of an opulent and powerful monarch. Commercial intercourse in the time of Solomon, and even five centuries before, between the east and the west, was chiefly owing to individuals. Though kings, who could command much, were often concerned in such pursuits, governments did not interfere for the sake of revenue, or to increase the wealth of the nation over which it was established. The consideration of personal profit alone stimulated the efforts and adventures of the merchants.

It is not intended to enter minutely into the great question of how far governmental regulations are necessary and proper in the concerns of trade. It were entirely needless. The subject has been often and elaborately discussed. A few desultory remarks are all that is proposed, in the belief that the interference of government is sometimes impolitic, and serves only to embarrass the regular pursuits of trade.

That labor and trade should be perfectly free, or that trade should regulate itself, is generally admitted to be a correct maxim in political economy. But it is said that there are exceptions to this general rule; and it is contended, that in certain conditions of society, and under particular circumstances which sometimes occur in the trading world, the government may rightfully and wisely interpose its regulations to add to the general prosperity, or to prevent great suffering among a large portion of the community. That such cases may exist, cannot be denied by those acquainted with the

history of the commercial part of the world. The principal difficulty on the subject is, to ascertain when the interference of government is necessary or proper, and to what extent its regulations may be justly applied. There would not often, if ever, be an occasion for such interference and regulation, if some one nation did not first aim at a monopoly, or an exclusive benefit to itself, from mere views of interest and policy. No government has pushed the policy of restricting and regulating trade farther than the British. Yet many statesmen of that nation have been opposed to the system in theory, and have expressed a wish that it might be done away, or much mollified. In 1819, Lord Castlereagh, the premier, said in the House of Commons, "that the true interest of every country was, to throw wide open its ports to the unrestrained commerce of all other countries." Many were surprised at the declaration, for it was very different from the uniform doctrine and practice of Great Britain. Yet nothing but an artificial state of society, and previous long established regulations, could justly excite opposition to the opinion. Then, indeed, another nation may consider itself obliged to resort to restrictions, or to severe regulations, in self defence, or to prevent the disadvantages to its subjects arising from the restrictive monopolizing policy of such nation, with which it had commercial intercourse. In such cases, governments may properly and ought to adopt countervailing measures for the benefit of its subjects.

Prohibitory regulations by governments, designed for the special benefit of individuals, or of banking or manufacturing companies, or of a particular class of citizens, and without ultimate and chief regard to the welfare of the whole people, are manifestly improper, and cannot be justified. But the case assumes altogether a different character, and is proper and commendable, when the object is the general good-the permanent advantage of the nation. Then, the inequality of benefits which may result, is incidental to the system or policy adopted, and not intended. It arises from the superior enterprise and industry of individuals, or from what is often called chance, or good fortune, that certain individuals had chosen the pursuit or business which the government finds necessary to encourage for the prosperity of the whole nation. This consideration affords a sufficient reason for protecting the interests of commerce and navigation, at all times, so far as can be done without oppression, or taxes on individuals not engaged in such pursuits. It is also a justification of the policy of protecting domestic manufactures, with a similar limit or qualification. And for the same reason, may government extend favor and encouragement to agriculture, the chief source of the comfort and prosperity of a nation.

It is with such views, and with such limitations, that the favor and aid of government are granted to particular branches of business; and that it should do this for the purposes of national prosperity, will not be doubted by the intelligent and patriotic citizen. If a small portion of the community suffers by such legislation, or rather if some are less benefited by it than others are, this is no valid objection to the theory, or to the policy of adopting it.

This subject has been often presented in the national legislature, and the question decided by large majorities in favor of regulating trade with foreign countries, for the protection and advancement of domestic manufactures of various kinds. The question has been agitated chiefly with reference to cotton and woollen goods, and to the propriety, in a national view, of affording encouragement and aid to such manufactures, though all other works of ingenuity and utility have also received the protection of the government.

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Commerce and navigation were the first objects of attention by the national government; not so much, surely, for the benefit of those directly engaged in those pursuits, as for the prosperity of the whole country, and for replenishing the public treasury. The embarrassments and irregularity attending our foreign commercial intercourse, led to the adoption of the federal constitution; and to raise a revenue to meet the demands of the public creditors, without resorting to direct taxation, always unpopular and often odious, the congress looked chiefly to commerce. Its regulation, therefore, was an imperious duty, and special legislation was necessary on the subject. While the government and the United States derived immense advantages from it, it was but reasonable and just to afford it protection. Hence the discriminating duties between tonnage on vessels of the United States, and those of foreign countries, and sometimes the employment of a naval force to defend maritime rights and property. With similar views, and for similar purposes the general welfare of the country-domestic manufactures were early encouraged, and the people indirectly taxed for their support, by high duties on such articles imported into the United States, as were here produced or manufactured. Had not this policy been early adopted, the country would now be comparatively poor, unprosperous, and dependent on foreign nations, to the great privation and detriment of the people. But the protection thus given by government to domestic manufactures, may be extended to an unreasonable degree; and the agricultural and commercial part of the community thought it was unduly increased by the act of congress of 1828, and that an inequality was the result of the system between the manufacturers of cotton and woollen goods, and other great branches or departments of business. The only question with impartial and intelligent men was, as to the degree of favor to be granted to these manufactures. For whenever it was afforded beyond a certain point, it was oppressive to the majority, and beneficial only to those engaged in such pursuits. The compromise act of 1836, grew out of the opposition to the high tariff on imports previously laid, and was generally acceptable to the people of the United States.

The important question which here presents itself is, whether the degree of protection afforded to manufactures by the federal government, has not had an unfavorable influence on the interests of agriculture. Has not a disproportionate amount of labor and capital been bestowed on manufactures, when the agricultural resources of the country are considered, and the advantages of an extensive cultivation of the soil duly estimated?

It is readily granted, that an increase of domestic manufactures, to keep pace with the growth of the country, is good policy. Where there are many persons employed in manufactures, the fruits of the husbandman's labors will find a ready market and a higher price. But here may be an excess. If, instead of cultivating the earth, still greater numbers devote their labors to manufactures, the products of agriculture will not be sufficient for the wants and comfort of the people; and the advanced prices of necessary articles of living will prove oppressive to those who are obliged to purchase them. The manufacturer may be well able to give the higher price, because his profits are greater. But those in other classes of society, and mechanics of other professions, are burdened, without means to support or remedy the evil.

While, then, due protection is afforded by government to commerce and navigation, and also to domestic manufactures, the interests of agriculture should not be depressed nor neglected; and why should not the latter be fa

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