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H. OF R.]

The Army.

[APRIL 13, 1830.

TUESDAY, APRIL 13, 1830.
THE ARMY.

partisans used that argument, who did not themselves believe there was much truth or weight in it! And, admit that the power of making surveys was ever so much abused by a late administration, because a good thing has been used for a bad purpose, does it cease to be good, if pro-reported from the Military Committee, requiring the Seperly used?

The House resumed the consideration of the resolution

cretary of War to report a new organization of the army, so as to reduce the number of officers; the question pending being on the motion of Mr. TAYLOR to commit the resolution to a Committee of the Whole House.

to the call made upon him by the House? The resolution either contemplates asking the Secretary whether any reduction can be made in the officers of the army, without injury to the public service, and, if any, what? or it directs him to propose a plan for this reduction at all events. In either of these cases, he would deem it proper to commit the resolution to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, that it might there be discussed, the principles settled which it involves, and then the result of their deliberations might be submitted to the Secretary of War for his action; or they might submit to the department only the inquiry in relation to the expediency of the measure, and not call upon it for a distinct plan for re organizing the army, without a proper investigation. It appeared to him that the proposition, as it now stood, was one asking them to express an opinion without deliberation. Mr. W. said he should offer an amendment to the resolution, if the

I come now to notice the speech of a gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. ARCHER] who seemed so particularly magnanimous toward the State of New York. I was happy to hear him-the strain was so new, that it made a strong Mr. WILDE said, that, when he was intercepted by the impression upon me-the gentleman seems to have made expiration of the hour devoted to resolutions, the other the discovery that there can be something that is correct day, he had but a few more words to say. He had said, without the bounds of the State of Virginia! But, before on that occasion, that the passage of this resolution would the gentleman praises New York too bighly, let him wait be an indication, on the part of that House, that they were and see how she will vote on this question. If New York prepared to vote for a reduction of the army. One gen. is to vote down this bill because her petition for aid was tleman had remarked that this was a proposition merely, once rejected, what is she to expect in future? Will the to institute an inquiry. In this light he could not view it. time never come when New York will apply for a share The Secretary is required to submit a plan for the reduc of that very aid she is now asked to refuse? And what tion of the number of officers; and should he report that will then be said to her by the power of the West on this no reduction could be made without detriment to the pub floor Sir, I hope New York will be magnanimous-too lic service, would it not be said that this was not an answer magnanimous to cherish the remembrance of a disappoint ment, and the feelings of resentment it excited. The gentleman ought to have recollected that the policy of New York in making the application was directly in contradiction of all his theories as a politician. When Clinton asked this body to grant aid to the State of New York, did he come here ignorant of the constitution? and, if not, did he hold the same views of it as that gentleman and his coadjutors No: he acknowledged this Government had the power and the right to grant the aid he solicited. The gentleman has used soft words-I will not use the vulgar phrase, and say he has been pouring soft soap down the backs of the New York delegation; but he can never reconcile her conduct with his principles. The gentleman told us that if the General Government did not engage in these works, they would be done by the States; but, according to his argument, if this Government does not, the States will not. We have heard new doctrines broached here. The gen-motion for its commitment did not prevail. tleman seems to have taken lessons in the school of a cer- Mr. WICKLIFFE said, the question before the House tain judge in Israel, and to have adopted that maxim of was on the commitment of the resolution to the Committee exalted morality, "all is fair in politics." The gentleman is hot for forming a coalition-he will coalesce with any body; but it is for the most unprincipled purpose, if that combination is to be directed against the policy of the tariff, and of the internal improvements of the country. I speak for myself alone-in relation to my own morality; I can, of course, speak only for myself; but I have not much confidence in the morality of those who are ready to join with any body in opposing one of the most heaithful attributes of this Government. If I do not forget, that same gentleman told us that if Virginia should ever alter her law respecting elections, he would pack up and remove into the very heart and centre of Africa. But Virginia has changed her law of elections, and the gentleman has not removed to Africa. If our eyes and ears do not deceive us, he is still here—and I apprehend he will not go there. I great- According to the reports laid before the House, the army ly fear it. If he does, however, he will not, of course, never consists of more than five thousand five hundred stop at Liberia, because the people there are in favor of men; and what proportion of them are officers. According internal improvements. They are all for building houses to the estimate of the members of the Military Committee and making roads, and engaging in every design that can there is a commissioned officer to every seven men, improve their colony. And, what is worse for the gentle-seven and a half. There are near seven hundred officer man, he cannot remain at home. This policy has got down to command five thousand men! There are twelve regi the country, till it is reaching tide water. The next thing ments in the service, each regiment consisting of twelv we hear will be, that it has driven the gentleman down to low water mark. When it comes to that, the gentleman must embark for Africa, or somewhere else. Would it not be better for him to try to content himself at home, bad as things are, and to say, in the midst of all the noise of canal diggers and road makers

Virginia, with all thy faults, I love thee still! [Here the debate closed for this day.]

of the Whole on the state of the Union. The proposition in the resolution did not contemplate a reduction in the rank and file of the army, but only in its official corps. If such reduction were proper, he did not know why it could not as well be discussed in the House, as in a Committee of the Whole. For his own part, he was anxious that some plan should be submitted at the next session of Congress, by which the number of officers in the army could be made to bear some proportion to the men. This undue proportion of officers, he believed, in his conscience, to be useless. There is not a Government on earth [said Mr. W.] whose army is thus organized. A gentleman near me makes the exception of that of Bolivar; but, not being acquainted with the fact, I, of course, cannot join in the exception.

companies, and each company of from forty-five to fift men. Companies [he said] were in fact divided, as, durin the war, the number of men to a company was fixed from eighty to a hundred. Unless some re-organization the army took place, the present officers would all brigadiers. The captains would be majors, and the lieut nants captains by brevet. He asked if gentlemen had amined into the expenses of our army. He meant th army proper. He would ask if it was known what pr

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portion of this expenditure bore to those required when the army consisted of ten thousand men. The difference is very small-three or four thousand dollars. For the last two years, the pay and subsistence had averaged two million three hundred thousand dollars. But this was not all: the Military Academy at West Point had become a part of the army. It had admitted two hundred and sixty cadets. It was true, they did not all remain to hang as a burden upon the army. After receiving their education, those who could procure a livelihood by a profession at home, preferred that course; the remainder hung upon the skirts of the army, at about twenty-four dollars per month, without the semblance of service. Something he said] ought to be done in relation to the evils which grew out of this institution.

Mr. DODDRIDGE inquired if this discussion was in order.

Mr. VANCE said, he hoped the gentleman from New York [Mr. TAYLOR] would withdraw his motion to commit the resolution, in order that the discussion might proceed without interfering with the rules of the House.

[H. of R

fitted to command an army, or a company, or even to perform the duties of an orderly sergeant. To be sure, some of them might be capable of these duties. What, it would be asked, is the best course to make them qualified? Why, educate them at West Point, if you choose, but throw them back again into society, and let them take an equal chance for promotion with the rest of their fellow-citizens. If they have talents, no doubt they will be developed. If they have merits, no doubt they will be rewarded. There were many who had never received a military education, who were equally well qualified with those who had. Was such an education found essential in the late war? Not at all, sir: on the contrary, it was found totally useless, and, indeed, involved the country in more calamities than any other cause. He asked, was Scott a man who had received a military education? Not at all-he was a mechanic. Was Morgan? Not at all-he was a wagoner; and neither of them had more than a common English education. Let it also be remembered that Bonaparte took his officers from the ranks, for their valor and good behavior; and by that means created the finest army in Europe,

Mr. TAYLOR said, that, as his object was only to call He was told by the gentleman from New York, on his the attention of the House to the subject, and as this object right, [Mr. CAMBRELENG] that in war we find a difficulty had been accomplished, he would withdraw his motion. in getting officers, while privates were easily procured. Mr. WICKLIFFE resumed. His reason for making the This only proved to him that the gentleman knew but very remarks which he had offered, was, that he conceived the little of the recruiting service: as it was notorious we had motion to commit the resolution equivalent to a motion to ten applications, during the late war, for officers, where reject it. He then recapitulated the arguments which he we had one enlistment of a private soldier. There was, had used. In relation to the Military Academy, the door and there always would be, a greater number of applito military promotion was now closed to all who had not cants for rank, station, and command in the army, than graduated at that institution. No man who educated his there were offices to give them. The demand, if he own son, however well qualified he might be, or however might so express himself, in the language of the day, the much he might desire to see him enrolled among the de-demand was greater than the means of supply. He said fenders of his country, could gain admission for him till that there would always be a sufficient number of capable provision was made for the sixty or a hundred brevets al- men in the intelligent community to form the officers of a ready hanging upon the skirts of the army. There was larger army than we should ever have occasion to raise ; no motive to excite the non-commissioned officers to a and that, too, without having occasion to seek them at laudable competition in the performance of their duties, or West Point, or at any other point. After some remarks the acquirement of a knowledge of their profession; for on the requisites necessary to render an officer of value i even the rank of a subaltern was placed beyond their in the service of his country, he proceeded to comreach, without the pale of their hopes. These men, during ment on the observation of the gentleman from Masthe late war, proved our most efficient officers, wherever sachusetts, [Mr. DAVIS] on the preceding day, that the their deeds of valor earned their promotion. frequency of changes in the army would tend to create inWe have had much complaint [said Mr. W.] on the sub-difference in the officers as to their proficiency in military ject of the frequent occurrence of desertion from the knowledge and science. It was said that they would rearanks of the army. And why is this, sir? It is because son with themselves, that, having the prospect of remainwhen a man attains the rank of an orderly sergeant, (one ing but a certain period in the service, they would grow of the most essential company officers,) his military career negligent and careless in the performance of its duties. is ended. He has attained the utmost point at which he Now, I [said Mr. D.] think that totally the reverse of this can ever hope to arrive; he has no further motive for ac- would be the case. I think that the adoption of such a tion, or stimulant to laudable ambition. Mr. W. said he measure as the one proposed, instead of discouraging them I had long been of opinion that the system pursued in rela- from the study of their profession, would, on the contrary, #tion to this Military Academy was a most unjust and ruin- act as an additional stimulus to the acquirement of knowous one, that no man, however meritorious and well qua-ledge in it. When an officer knows that, every five or ten lified, should be admitted into the army, unless he can years, there will be a re-organization of the army, and produce a sheepskin, evidencing that he has graduated at that the most meritorious officers would be selected, and this institution! He thought no men could be more un-retained in commission, it stands to reason that every offijustly proscribed and disfranchised than those who were thus refused. The gentleman on my left [Mr. DE WITT] says, except editors of newspapers; but I say, not even them.

cer in the army, desirous of continuing in the service, would apply himself with unceasing diligence to the attainment of that knowledge, and the improvement of those capacities, which alone qualify their possessor to be reMr. DANIEL observed, it appeared to him manifest that tained in his office. The argument of the gentleman from there ought to be a new organization of the army. When New York must, therefore, fail. The gentleman from the army was reduced, in 1821 or '22, the object of that New York [Mr. TAYLOR] had said that he had voted for 7 law was to reduce and curtail its expenditures; but we see the reduction of the army, in 1821, and that for doing so that they have amounted to about the same since that pe- he had been assailed by the newspapers, and called a rariod as before. This he thought a sufficient reason why dical. The vote on that occasion showed that the gentlesomething should be done. While they were urging the man thought it necessary that the army should be reduced. fecessity of retrenchment in every department of the Go- He complained of being abused by the newspapers in all vernment, why not commence with the army, and at least parts of the United States. Well, [said Mr. D.] cannot lop off its useless parts? But, [said Mr. D.] he did not be- he now stand the shot from a paper gun? Has he not su!lieve that education could form a military character. Two-ficient nerve to bear newspaper abuse? I cannot certainly thirds of those educated at West Point could never be think it. He voted for the diminution of the army for

H. OF R.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[APRIL 13, 1830.

merly, and I hope that he will go with us now, and lend | tucky on the one side, and North Carolina on the other; his aid to the accomplishment of so desirable an object. It would be the means of saving the country half a million of dollars annually; and he trusted that it would pass the House. He wished, indeed, that it had taken a wider range. He wished that the resolution had called upon the Secretary to state the number of effective rank and file, and of their officers; of captains of companies, of majors, of colonels, with a view to the establishment of the number of each necessary for the public service. He wished, he repeated, that the resolution had been couched in these terms, and that the principle of the reduction in 1821-22 should now be acted upon. He was not one who wished to see the country swarming with officers, in a time of place as well as in war.

Mr. STORRS, of New York, moved to lay the resolution on the table.

Mr. VANCE requested him to withdraw his motion for

a moment.

Mr. STORRS declined acceding to the request.
The motion was, however, negatived without a division.
Mr. VANCE rose to adress the House, but the hour
expired.

BUFFALO AND NEW ORLEANS ROAD BILL.
The House then went into Committee of the Whole,
Mr. HAYNES in the chair, and took up the Buffalo and
New Orleans road bill.

and private surveying has been resorted to for ascertaining the nearest and best way. And how many is it supposed there are of the good people along these respective roads, who have any doubt that the way nearest to their dwellings is the very best way in all the world for this great national road? All but one route (and that one, too, perhaps) must, in the end, be disappointed; but, until the matter shall have been settled, hope will continue the flatterer of all. This multiform offer of a road to a people who have never received any thing in this way, and who feel the want of improved outlets to market more than any other part of the Union, has naturally produced uncommon excitement in that quarter. It is not difficult to know the va riety and luxuriance of the growth of such a hotbed. Many of my honest constituents have been led away by vain expectations, which they will never realize, and excited by means, some of which it is unnecessary to explain. Not only much speaking and writing have been resorted to, but, also, neighborhood, town, and county meetings have been held, to discuss and decide the constitutionality and expediency of the very bill now under our consideration; and with the view of instructing me, and requesting others to support it, as constitutional and expedient, not merely for making such a road as is proposed in the bill, but a railroad, according to the rage of the times-even a splendid national railroad!

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It is not my purpose now to inquire into the motives of Mr. LEA rose, and said that he had hitherto refrained any who participated in those meetings, nor am I disposed from engaging in this discussion, partly on account of the to be outdone by any of them in matters of civility. L exceeding reluctance and hesitancy with which he would therefore, take occasion to perform a twofold duty-first, at any time ask to be heard in this hall. But he had been of rendering my acknowledgments to all of them for the influenced, also, by a desire to offer an amendment to the attention which they have been pleased to pay to me dubill, at the time of presenting his views on the subject ge- ring my absence from home-aud, secondly, of tendering nerally. Since an early stage of the debate, this had not the thanks of some of them to the honorable chairman, and been in his power, in consequence of the amendments and the other honorable gentlemen of the Committee on Roads motions which had been pending; and he was aware that and Canals, for this precious bill, which seems to be rethe same difficulty yet continued; but the manner and pro-garded by some as almost a providential means of hastengress of the discussion had admonished him that he should ing the millennium itself! not longer refrain, and that he ought to use the contem- Having discharged thus much of my duty, I should negplated amendment by way of objection and argument lect another part of it, were I not to make some further against the bill in its present form. He would thus be remarks concerning these same meetings; for it so hap able to exhibit the comparative advantages of the plan of pened that, at some of them, a majority did not feel themthe amendment for executing this and similar works, and selves quite so much flattered by the bill as to give it their both modes would then be before the committee, so that approbation. Such was the result, I understand, at those gentlemen could fairly consider whether they would be meetings, where the subject was fully discussed before the willing to adopt either. If so, they would be prepared to people. They were a little shy of this proffered favor. vote against the motion now pending to strike out the The hook must be better baited before they can be caught. enacting clause of the bill; but, if otherwise, they would sus- I have forborne from censuring any one; but I should not do tain that motion which goes to defeat the whole bill. He justice to my own feelings, considering the extraordinary thought it particularly proper, in order to test this mea- excitement which this matter has occasioned among my sure fairly, that both plans, and the whole subject, should constituents, if I were to refrain from awarding my feeble be fully developed before the committee, previously to commendation to such of them as have opposed this bill, taking a vote on this question, which may be decisive. so really degrading, and yet so flattering to interested and I have thus [said Mr. L.] indicated, in a few words, my superficial observers. With such temptations before them, object generally; and I hope the committee will now in- and in the midst of great clamor in favor of the bill, they dulgently allow me to present my views more at large. have manifested that kind of moral courage and political The peculiarity of my situation may afford an apology not virtue, on which the liberties we, enjoy must always deonly for my speaking, but, also, for giving some of my re-pend-and even those who may candidly differ from them marks a local direction. With but very humble pretensions, I have desired to be equally unassuming and I might not have felt myself called on to depart, on this occasion, from my habit of silent voting, if this bill had not addressed itself directly to the homes, interests, and feelings of my constituents. But the proposition of the bill is, that this road shall run through my district somewhere; and (in the "glorious uncertainty" of these projects) that is taken to be almost any where and every where. The engineers, to be sure, travelled along the principal stage road through that country, and that is understood to be the western route indicated in their report. But there are many other roads running in the same general direction, along thee xtensive valley of East Tennessee, between Ken

in opinion, must acknowledge the sterling patriotism of their course, in adhering to what they regarded as correct principles. Liberty to them is more valuable than gold— and I am proud to have the honor of representing such freemen.

Another consideration adds to the peculiarity of my situation. I find myself the only member on this floor from several hundred miles of distance along the contemplated route of this road, who refuses to take this dose of poison, as it has been prepared. Two of my honorable colleagues immediately to the west of me, and another, with two honorable gentlemen from Virginia. immediately to the east of me, are in favor of this bill, although they have arrived at that point by different roads, some of which

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are new and untravelled before. For all of these gentlemen I feel a sincere friendship personally, and I have, also, been in the habit of harmonizing with them on political subjects generally.

Perhaps you may consider my situation rather embarrassing, in the midst of such a multiplicity of routes through my district-such a diversity of sentiment among my constituents and such cross-firing from my friends in this hall. I confess that I derive no pleasure from this confusion-that I regret the conflict of opinion and of interest; but not so much from considerations personal to myself, as from others of publie concern. Yet, it is to no purpose to express unavailing regrets; every one must act on his own convictions and responsibilities; and I assure the com mittee I have not the least doubt or difficulty as to my own course. I will not vote for this bill. I cannot approve either of its principles or of its details. But I am not, therefore, an enemy to internal improvements; on the contrary, I would favor all of a proper kind, to be executed in a proper manner. A good road through my country would doubtless be very convenient; and, certainly, I could have no objections against it in itself considered, but I have some objections against obtaining it at the expense of my own oath and the constitution-our liberties and pernianent welfare.

[H. OF R.

It cannot be expected that all will agree in opinion either as to politics or religion; but there are, nevertheless, in each, both positive and comparative differences between right and wrong, on which must depend the fate of individuals and of nations; and it should be the effort of every one, at all times, to attain the nearest practicable approximation to truth. But while important differences must exist, a spirit of toleration, and even conciliation, is indispensably necessary to prevent ruinous distraction. Who can look to the vast and various interests by which different portions of this extensive country are influenced by which their representatives here are propelled in different directions, without discovering the utter hopelessness of long managing the great concerns of this Union to advantage, or even continuing the partnership, without exercising the utmost forbearance, and executing a determination not to push matters to extremity? When this General Government moves on the border of the constitution, even then prudence gives a caution; when it unscrupulously passes over a doubtful boundary, and occupies every inch of disputed ground, harmony and good feeling must yield to jealousies, animosities, and contentions; but whenever it shall boldly, deliberately, and perseveringly march further, and invade the undisputed territory of others; then the natural consequences must be, (as when the Rubicon was passed, and Rome was no longer free,) anarchy first, and despotism next.

This Federal Government has often sported wantonly on doubtful ground; occasionally, but inadvertently perhaps, it has trespassed further; but if the bill now under consideration should ever become a law, in its present form, it would be idle, insulting, to pretend that we aim at any thing short of consolidation, and a complete conquest of the State authorities.

Some honorable gentlemen have told us much of their obedience to the will of their constituents. I, too, ac knowledge, to some extent, the force of such an obligation; but not quite so obsequiously, perhaps, as some of my friends. I would not be understood as regardless of their good opinion. I would prize it highly at all times, either in public or private life. Nor will I affect indifference to my own destiny; and it will be my business to satisfy my constituents of the correctness of my public conduct; but, whether I shall be able to do so or not, is to me a se- I consider this bill as the most direct and daring attempt condary consideration; for I hold that no man is fit to be upon State jurisdiction and authority, that was ever before a representative here, who can hesitate as to a choice be- a Congress of this Union. Is it not? What does it amount tween his own personal popularity and the preservation of to Nothing less than a positive direction to the President the true principles of our Government. To them I look to take prompt and effectual measures to have a road made and adhere, as the best means of promoting the best inter- from the northern lakes to New Orleans, near the southern ests of my people, rather than to delusive expedients for gulf, without saying one word as to the manner in which relief or pitiful advantages, resulting in no permanent good, the jurisdiction or rights of States, or corporations, or indibut answering, for a time, the purposes of certain candi- viduals, are to be regarded or adjusted, in cases of diffidates for popular favor. culty. The strong arm of power must not be stayed, but must act promptly and effectually to accomplish the object, no matter whose rights or what obstructions may interpose; for gentlemen have tauntingly told us, here and elsewhere, that an act of Congress cannot be controlled, unless the political omnipotency of the Supreme Court shall condescend to advise us of error. And is such a power as this to be put into the hands of the President of this Union, at this early day? Is he to be authorized, commanded, to go forward and make this road, without regard to the rights of any body? The like of it never was heard of in any country that was not a downright tyranny, or where there was even a decent respect for the rights of man. Some mode of ascertaining rights, and compensating for damages, would seem to be indispensable. I have no disposition to push scruples or apprehensions beyond due bounds, but this bill has no bounds as to principle-and when or where are we to stop?

I was sent here to act on my oath, to do good, not mischief to execute, not violate, the great compact of this

Union.

My constituents, of all classes, have long known that I could not vote for any such bill as that now before us; and, while some of them have been asking me to do so, they must have had other motives than even a hope that I could comply with their request. They know my sentiments, and they expect me to maintain them. A majority of them sent me here as a State right republican, as contradistinguished from a national republican. They are jealous of the assumed, overgrown, and increasing powers of this splendid Federal Government; and they are not willing to look to it as the "dispenser of every good and perfect gift under heaven." They see that it is becoming more and more the fashionable idol of the times, especially among those who desire to be initiated, or to continue priests at the altar, and they fear the danger that a new and ponderous machine will be fabricated as a substitute for the beneficent original; and that the idolatrous worshippers of this political Juggernaut, in whole communities, are to be crushed beneath its wheels. The thing has progressed some distance already; the devotees are assembling; and new converts, even from those who were thought to be steadfast in a better religion, are prostrating themselves before it. I yet belong to another faith; and, instead of these immolations having any tendency to proselyte me, they render the scene appalling indeed, and establish me in my own creed.

VOL. VI.-98.

At a proper time, it is my intention to offer an amendment, with a view of saving the rights of the States, of corporations, and of individuals, as far as practicable. At present, I can only urge it as an argument, to show that the bill is not as it should be, and to point out a better mode of executing this and all similar works. By contrasting the amendment with the bill, the imperfections of the latter will appear more strikingly, perhaps, than by any other means; while there will be exhibited a plan for conducting internal improvements, under the auspices of this Government, by which many and serious difficulties will be obviated, and which I think well worthy of the most deliberate

H. or R.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[APRIL 13, 1830. consideration of every citizen of the States of this Union. I received, and of the progress and condition of the work; We are told that this Government will progress in the busi-and the President is required to withhold any of the pay. ness of internal improvement, and some gentlemen seem ments in case such State should apply any of the funds to very confident in this opinion. If its progress in that way any other purpose than the making of said road, or should should be very extensive, it must be matter of great im- fail to prosecute the work with reasonable expedition." portance that some plan should be adopted to attain the The committee will perceive that the three first secends in the lenst exceptionable manner. The amendment tions of the bill, concerning the survey and location of the which I expect to offer, will be a test of the political prin- road, would not be affected by the amendment, which reciples of gentlemen on this floor. It is of a character too lates to the manner of execution and preservation, rather distinctive to be mistaken by any politician, and the people than to the plan or kind of the road; but some subsequent at large will understand the vital difference between it and parts of the bill would require alterations, which would the bill, in their respective tendencies. I avow my objects occasion no difficulty, however, as they would be but natu frankly: first to put the bill right as far as possible; and, ral consequences from adopting the amendment. second, if its friends will not adopt a better plan, to put them thoroughly in the wrong.

That I may give my views to the committee with greater facility and distinctness, and exbibit the proposed contrast in a manner more pointed and practical, I beg leave to read the contemplated amendment:

"Strike out the fourth section, and insert the following: "SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That the several Boards of Commissioners, to the extent of their respective surveys, shall report to the President a detailed plan of the manner in which said road ought, in their opinion, to be constructed, without the application of stone or gravel, except where indispensably necessary for its convenient use; and, also, a particular estimate of the expenses of completing said road, according to said plan; and, also, a moderate and uniform rate of tolls, which they may deem proper to be collected on said road; and the several Boards of Commissioners shall have the aid of such of the Engineer Corps as the President may direct, in making their examinations, surveys, plans, estimates, and reports; in all of which the President may direct such alterations as he may deem proper, until they receive his approbation.

I am very desirous that the amendment, and the whole plan, of which it is a part, should be well considered and understood, not only for the present occasion, but, also, for all future subjects of similar kind. The committee will, therefore, indulge me in giving a condensed and connected view of the whole plan, that the various parts may be more properly estimated.

An outline of the plan is simply this:

1. Let this Government survey and locate the road precisely where it may desire to have one made.

2. Let the commissioners, with the aid of suitable engineers, report to the President the survey and location; also, a detailed plan of the manner of making the road of the kind indicated in the law, with a particular estimate of the cost; and, likewise, a uniform and moderate rate of tolls-all of which to be subject to alterations and approv al by the President.

3. Instead of the President's going on to have the road made by the direct authority and action of this Government, let copies of all the reports, approved of by him, be sent to the Governors of the different States through which the road is to pass, as the bases of a proposition from this Government.

longing to the United States, from all toll whatever; but that the President should so far exercise control over the funds, as to withhold any of the subsequent instalments, if the former should not have been wholly and promptly applied to the work.

"SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That copies of the 4. Let that proposition be, that this Government will reports approved of by the President, shall be transmitted furnish the necessary funds, in reasonable and regular into the Governors of the States respectively, through stalments, to any of those States, whenever it shall have which the surveys may have been made; and, for the pur- passed a law, (with due regard to existing corporate rights,) pose of aiding those States in making the road, there shall first, to make the road, as proposed, to the extent of the be paid, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise funds furnished; second, to keep it in repair by the modeappropriated, such sums as shall be equal to fifteen hun-rate and uniform rate of tolla proposed, and not to be aldred dollars a mile of said road, to be paid in the following tered without the assent of Congress; third, to exempt manner, and on the following conditions, viz. Whenever the mail, and property, and troops, in actual service, beany of those States shall have passed a law providing for the construction of so much of the road as may be within the limits of that State, according to the survey and plan approved of by the President, as far as the funds appropriated by Congress will enable it to be done; aud, also, providing for the repairs, preservation and improvement of said road, after it shall have been made, so far as practicable, from tolls at the rates approved of by the President, as aforesaid, which tolls may be collected on any part of said road from the time at which it may be in suitable condition for convenient use, and which shall not be altered without the assent of Congress; and, also, providing that the mail, and property, and troops, in actual service, belonging to the United States, may, at all times, pass along said road free from any toll whatever; but, having due regard, in all of said provisions, for corporate rights derived from charters, as they exist at present, or as they may be modified in said law; and, also, designating the person or persons to whom such money may be paid: A superficial observation of the amendment has caused then, on the application of such person or persons, the some to object, that it amounts to nothing more than conPresident shall cause to be paid to him or them one-third ferring power on the States to make works of this kind of the fifteen hundred dollars a mile of so much of said out of the common funds. As the distinction is importroad as may be within the limits of that State; and, on simi-aut, I beg leave to correct this mistake. I hold that this lar applications, equal sums, respectively, at the end of Government can do directly whatever it can authorize one and two years thereafter: Provided, That the person others to do; that the constitution is the only source of our or persons applying for the second and third payments, powers; that we can neither give nor take any, except as shall, before receiving the same, submit to the President provided in that instrument; that the powers of the respecta satisfactory report of the manner of disbursing the funds ive Governments, either delegated or retained, are per

After much reflection on the subject, but with great deference to others, I submit to the committee, and to the nation, if the plan proposed is not the most eligible which has been devised for accomplishing internal improvements under the auspices of this General Government. It challenges scrutiny, and appeals to every motive of prudence and patriotism. It will attain the ends more completelywith greater certainty-with less danger. I doubt not that these positions will be maintained by further investigation and reflection.

Having given the substance of the plan, connected with the amendment, it becomes my duty now to contrast it with the bill, more particularly and practically.

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