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MAY 28, 1830.]

Pay of the Marine Corps.-Salt.-Molasses and Rum.-Secret Sitting.

PAY OF THE MARINE CORPS. The joint resolution for continuing the pay of the officers of the marine corps, as heretofore allowed, until otherwise ordered, was read a third time.

On the question of its passage, the previous question was demanded by Mr. CARSON, but not seconded by the House. The merits of the resolution were then debated by Mr. WICKLIFFE, Mr. McDUFFIE, Mr. DRAYTON, Mr. CARSON, Mr. SUTHERLAND, and Mr. YANCEY. Mr. BARRINGER then, to prevent the consumption of the remaining time of the session upon this bill, demanded the previous question.

The demand was seconded by the House, and the main question being ordered to be put, was put accordingly; and the bill was passed by a vote of 85 to 64, and sent to the Senate for concurrence.

SALT.

The House proceeded to the consideration of the engrossed bill entitled " An act to reduce the duty on salt;" and the question was stated, Shall the bill pass? when A motion was made by Mr. STORRS, of New York, that the said bill be recommitted to the Committee of Ways and Means, with instructions so to amend the same, as to postpone any reduction of the duty on salt until the 30th September, 1831.

Mr. S. alleged, as a reason for his motion, that he wished: to give the State of New York time to alleviate by her legislation the effect of this measure on her interest, and to adapt her policy to a change which would inflict so great an evil on her pecuniary interest.

Mr. P. P. BARBOUR moved the previous question. Mr. STANBERY moved to lay the bill on the table; on which motion Mr. VINTON demanded the yeas and nays, and they were ordered.

Mr. POTTER moved a call of the House.

[At this moment a number of the Senators coming into the Hall, it was ascertained that the Senate had adjourned; and as the joint rules of the two Houses provide that "no bill that shall have passed one House, shall be sent for concurrence to the other on either of the three last days of the session," it became a question whether it would be worth while to pass the bill under consideration, in as much as this was the last day on which a bill could be sent to the Senate for concurrence, and the Senate had now adjourned.]

Mr. TAYLOR was of opinion that as the Senate had adjourned, it would be useless to pass the bill, as it could not be sent there for concurrence.

Mr. McDUFFIE said, it was evident that the Senate had by inadvertence, overlooked the rule, and had adjourned without being aware of the effect; therefore, doubtless, something would be done to remove the difficulty, as there were several bills which it was indispensable to pass. He hoped, therefore, the House would go on with this bill and pass it.

Mr. P. P. BARBOUR thought the bill could be sent to the Senate, notwithstanding it had adjourned. Suppose the Senate were not to sit two of the four last days of the session, could that deprive the House of the benefit of all the bills which might be passed by it? Sir, [said Mr. B.]| the Clerk of this House can deliver this bill to-day, if it pass, to the Secretary of the Senate, and the Senate can to-morrow take it up and act on it, although it be not in session to-day when the bill goes there.

Mr. VANCE now moved that the House adjourn; and the yeas and nays being demanded by Mr. LAMAR, they were taken, and the motion was negatived: yeas, 54-nays,

127.

Mr. DRAYTON moved to lay the motion for a call of the House on the table; and Mr. RAMSEY demanding the yeas and nays on the motion, Mr. D. withdrew it; but

Mr. STERIGERE renewed the motion to lay on the

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table, which being taken, the motion for a call of the House was ordered to lie on the table. The question was then taken on laying the bill on the table, and negatived: yeas, 84, nays, 97.

The previous question was then seconded by a majority of the House; and the previous question was carried by yeas and nays-108 to 78. So that

The main question was at last put on the passage of the bill, and carried in the affirmative: yeas, 105-nays, 83. So the bill was passed, and ordered to be sent to the Senate for concurrence.

[When the roll on the passage of the bill was calling, and the Clerk reached the name of Mr. YANCEY, of Kentucky, Mr. Y. rose, and said, he knew he was out of order, but still he wished to state the reason which governed his vote, as he was going to change the vote he had formerly given on this bill. We are in possession of intelligence [said Mr. Y.] that the West India trade will now be opened; and as the West Indies have salt in abundance, and the western country has provisions in abundance, one being exchanged for the other, will reduce the price of salt in the West to the poor man. It was that he felt interested for, and this induced him to change his vote. Mr. Y. did not of course make these remarks without being called to order repeatedly, both by the House and the Chair, but he persisted in saying thus much before he voted.] MOLASSES AND RUM.

to allow a drawback on rum distilled from foreign moThe engrossed bill to reduce the duty on molasses, and lasses, was next read the third time, and put on its passage.

Mr. BARRINGER moved the previous question, fearing that debate might arise on the bill, and endanger it by delay.

Mr. VANCE moved to lay the bill on the table, which was negatived; and

the question was put on the passage of the bill, and deThe previous question being seconded and agreed to, cided in the affirmative by yeas and nays-117 to 60. So this bill was passed, and ordered to be sent to the

Senate for concurrence.

SECRET SITTING.

The SPEAKER announced to the House that he had received a message in writing from the President of the United States, of a confidential nature; whereupon,

The galleries were cleared, and all but the members and officers of the House were excluded, and the doors closed from five o'clock till about half after eight; when

The doors were opened, and it appeared (the injunction of secrecy having been removed from the proceedings, though not from the President's message) that the bill "to amend the acts to regulate the commercial intercouse between the United States and Great Britain," had been under consideration, and was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-day.

This bill being subsequently reported correctly engrossed, it was read a third time.

Mr. STRONG said, he did not rise to discuss the bill; but wishing the responsibility for it should rest on those to whom it belonged, be moved the yeas and nays, which were ordered; and the question being taken,

The bill was passed-yeas 105, nays 28; and was ordered to be sent to the Senate for concurrence.

FRIDAY, MAY 28, 1830.

Mr. McDUFFIE, from the Committee of Ways and Means, reported a joint resolution, proposing to suspend the joint rule which prevents the sending of original bills from one House to the other during the three last days of the session; so as to allow the House of Representatives to send to the Senate certain bills therein specified. The resolution having been twice read,

Mr. HOFFMAN moved to strike from the schedule the

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bill to reduce the duty on salt, but withdrew his motion on the suggestion that a division might be required so as to take the question on that separately.

A call of the House was moved, and carried, and, having progressed for some time, was suspended.

Mr. POLK moved the previous question, which was seconded, and the main question ordered.

Mr. STORRS, of New York, here made a point of order, which produced some discussion in regard to an application of the rule respecting the reception of resolutions, but which Mr. S. afterwards waived.

Mr. TAYLOR moved a division of the question, so as to take it separately on the salt bill. ·

The SPEAKER decided that as the bill referred to form ed a part of the schedule appended to, and was not of the matter of the resolution itself, it was indivisible.

Mr. TAYLOR appealed from the decision of the Chair, and stated his reasons for differing from the Speaker.

[MAY 28, 1830.

out of respect to them and the President, to give them an opportunity. If they decide he is correct, then it is the duty of the representatives to obey ; they decide he is wrong, then their representatives will carry into effect their will. The message coincided mainly with his views on constitutional power; however, he did not agree, in every particular, with the doctrine contained in it.

Mr. D. said he was in favor of internal improvement, but the system, as it has heretofore been carried on and pursued, was better calculated to destroy than to promote it. The House had been admonished, on a former occasion, by the gentleman from New York, [Mr. STORRS] that the friends of the system were breaking it down by their extravagance and folly. It was clear from the message, that if the system was pursued, as it had been attempted at the present session, this nation would soon be involved in a large and immense national debt. The members of Congress would understand each other-if not corruptly, the effect would be the same; they would vote for each other's projects without regard to the public good. A host of federal officers would be created to superintend the collection of tolls, and the repairing and amending those improvements. The tax on the people would be increased, until their lenders would be as great as they Mr. RAMSEY was in favor of suspending the operation are in any despotic Government on earth. Besides, it of the rule so far as related to certain bills, and was pro- would end in corruption beyond control. The members ceeding to give his reasons for being opposed to suspend-of this House cannot now read all the documents printed ing it in regard to other measures, which would have the and laid on our tables. This system will produce a swarm effect to diminish the revenue; when of officers and accounts without end. The representatives of the people can never examine them-the officers become irresponsible and corrupt, and it will produce consolidation of the Government. If the system is to be persevered in, let us adopt one that will not be productive of this evil.

Mr. WAYNE, while he entertained the u most reverence for the sabbath, expressed the opinion that it ought to be considered one of the days of the session, as business might be transacted on it, and, therefore, that three days yet remained after to-day, which would render the resolution unnecessary.

The SPEAKER reminded Mr. R. that the question was on the point of order involved in the appeal, and not on the merits of the division moved for.

Mr. RAMSEY was sorry it was not in order for him to state his reasons for objecting to some of the bills which would affect the revenue, as he would, if permitted to go on, fix a mark on a gentleman not far off. I will soon bring him out of his petticoats.

Mr. TUCKER moved the previous question on the appeal, which being seconded, the main question was ordered, and put, and the decision of the Chair was affirmed by the House-97 to 67.

The resolution was then passed, and sent to the Senate.

THE VETO.

The House then, according to order, proceeded to the consideration of the message of the President of the United States, refusing his assent to the bill for a subscription of stock in the Maysville Road Company-the question being, "Will the House pass the bill, the objections of the President notwithstanding?"

It is true the rejection of this bill will deprive the people of Kentucky of this appropriation, still, ultimately, I hope, they will be benefited; their liberty will not be placed on such a doubtful issue.

The best consideration I have been able to give this subject, induces me to suspend the decision, and permit the people to act on it.

Mr. CHILTON next made some observations.

Mr. STANBERY said, that, in the view he took of the matter, he considered the communication which had been just received, as the voice of the President's ministry rather than of the President himself; or, to speak more correctly, the voice of his chief minister. The hand of the "great magician" was visible in every line of the message. There was nothing candid, nothing open, nothing honest, in it. As one reason why the Executive rejects the bill, he asMr. DANIEL said, the House would permit him to signs the extravagance of this Congress as having been so make a few remarks before the vote was taken. He had great that there will not be money enough in the treasury examined the message of the President of the United to meet the small appropriation contained in the rejected States, and he was constrained to say it was an able State bill. And, as an evidence of the correctness of such an paper, well worthy the consideration of the American apprehension, the appendix contains a list of all the bills people. He had supported the measure condemned by which have been reported in the Senate and in this House, the message; but as a co-ordinate branch of the Govern- but not passed. These are relied upon in the argument as ment has called on this body to stop their career, he, for if they had passed, and become laws; when it is well one, was disposed to give the people of the nation an op-known to all of us, the most of these bills are only evidence portunity to consider, coolly and dispassionately, the ob of the opinions of the committees by whom they were rejections urged by the President against the mode of ap- ported; and there is not even a probability that they will propriating money to objects not national. It is the first ever become laws. Among the bills of this description, time in the history of the world, that the Executive of a contained in the appendix, is the bill reported in the Senate, nation has interposed his authority to stop extravagant providing for the amount of French spoliations; which, of and ruinous appropriations. He was elected on the prin- itself, makes an item of five millions of dollars. There is ciple of economy and reform; and if the representatives of also included in the appendix the bill for the relief of the people refuse to him a proper support, (as it must be Susan Decatur; and that for the Beaumarchais claim, and admitted they have,) it is impossible that the object for the claim of Richard W. Meade. There is added, also, the which he was elected can be obtained. In the discharge bill for the Colonization Society, proposing to pay twentyof his duty as the servant of a free and independent peo-five dollars for each negro in the United States. And, to ple, and in obedience to what he believes to be their will, he has laid this subject before them. They will have to pass upon the correctness of his views; and I feel disposed

swell the amount, the claim of President Monroe is also added. All of these amounts, put together, give to the proceedings of this Congress an appearance of extrava-.

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the Executive.

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gance, which does not belong to them. On the whole, Ision. He had been elected to his seat here by the friends consider this document artfully contrived to bring the of the President. If he was correctly informed, he came whole system of internal improvement into disrepute, and into this House upon the popularity of the venerable man as calculated to deceive the people. Such a document can whom he now so wantonly assailed. He came here pronever have issued from the President. It is not character- fessing to give to his administration a fair and an honest ized by that frankness which marks his character. It has support-professing to be enumerated among his politievery appearance of a low, electioneering document, not cal friends. Had he sustained one single measure which worthy of the eminent source to which it is attributed. the President recommended? Not one-and it was matBut, sir, if extravagance has marked the proceedings of ter of no regret that the member had at length thrown this Congress, it is not chargeable on the majority of this off the mask. He cannot claim this occasion, or this bill, House. The appropriations which have been made, have as a pretext for his desertion from his former professed been asked for by the executive officers themselves; and political attachments. What was there in this occasion to they have asked for more than we have granted. And the call forth such a tirade of abuse! The President has remost extravagant project this session, and one which will, turned to this House, as it was his constitutional right, and, I fear, forever disgrace this Congress, I mean the bill for entertaining the opinion he did, his duty to do, a bill the removal of all the southern Indians west of the Missis which had passed Congress, and been presented to him for sippi, came recommended to us as the peculiar favorite of his constitutional sanction. He had, in a very temperate, and, he added, in a very able manner, assigned the reasons I can say, with truth, that many members of this House why he had felt himself constrained, from a high sense of were induced, contrary to their consciences, to vote for public duty, to withhold his signature and sanction from the bill, in consequence of their not having independence it. We are called upon by an imperative provision of the to resist what they supposed to be the wishes of the Exe- constitution to reconsider the vote by which a majority cutive. They were literally dragooned into its support. of this House bad agreed to pass the bill. The bill and I certainly, sir, had many other reasons for my opposition the message of the President were the fair subjects of deto the bill; but not the least of my reasons was a belief liberation and discussion for this House. We were now that its passage would strike a death-blow to the whole system of internal improvement. It received the support of all the enemies of internal improvement, as their only means of destroying the system; and it is accordingly relied upon in this message, and I will admit that it is the only good reason assigned in it against any further appropriations for the improvement of the country. And yet we, who are the friends of this administration, but still greater friends to the honor and prosperity of the country, have been threatened with denunciations by certain members of this House, but who have no other claim for the station which they have assumed, as our leaders, than the single circumstance of their coming from Tennessee, for our opposition to the Indian bill-for our contumacy in opposing what they were pleased to represent to us as the wishes of the Execntive. Sir, let them commence their denunciation I fear no bravo, unless he carries the assassin's knife. Against every other species of attack I am prepared to defend myself.

Mr. POLK said that, whilst it had been understood, in conversation through the House, that the friends of this measure were disposed, without further debate, to take the vote on reconsideration, on the veto of the President, according to the provisions of the constitution, he thought he could speak confidently when he said that those op posed to it had determined to pursue a similar course.

The debate had, however, been brought on. The violent, vindictive, and unprecedented character of the remarks which had just fallen from the member from Ohio [Mr. STANBERY] had opened the whole discussion. That member took occasion, in the most violent manner, to say that the message of the Chief Magistrate was a low, undignified, electioneering paper; that it had nothing honest in it; that it had nothing candid or open in it; that it was the work of his ministry, and not of himself; that the hand of the magician was to be seen in every line of it.

Mr. P. said, he took the liberty to say to the member from Ohio, that this violent torrent of abuse, poured upon the head of the Chief Magistrate, was gratuitous, and wholly unjustifiable, not sustained in a single particular by the truth, and wholly unfounded in fact.

called upon to discharge a high constitutional duty on our part. Had the member discussed, or even pretended to discuss, a single principle contained in the message, or in the bill? No! He had chosen to make a most wanton attack upon the President. Why was the member from Ohio thrown into such a rage? Was it because the system of which this bill is a part was so dear to him? Does he not know, will he deny it, that he has heretofore professed to be opposed to this whole system? In the last Congress he was a member of the Committee on Manufactures. He voted for the tariff, and ostensibly supported it; but did he not then openly say to many gentlemen, (not in confidence, for if it had been so, he would be the last man to betray that confidence,) that he was opposed to the whole American system; that it was nothing but a political hobby? Did he not say that he would return home and revolutionize public opinion in his own district, and in the whole State of Ohio; that a delusion existed in that State that could and should be removed; that he had never conversed with a plain, farming man, and explained to him the operations of this American system, but that he convinced him that it was against his interest to support it? Would the gentleman deny this? If he would venture to do it, he pledged himself to prove it upon him by many members of this house. It was not, then, the attachment of the gentleman to this system that could have induced him to throw into the House the firebrand that he had that pretext cannot shield him. He best knows the real cause of his present course. He best knows whether he was ever, in truth and in fact, the sincere friend of the President, or whether he found it convenient to profess to be his friend, in order to obtain his election to this House. The member had formed new associations recently-associations with our old political adversaries; and he was glad, for the future, to know who he was, and where to find him. A covert, political adversary was much more insidious and dangerous than one that openly avowed himself, and acted upon his professions. He had to beg the pardon of the House for any apparent warmth which his manner may have indicated. It had been wholly induced by the most unexpected torrent of abuse which fell from the member from Ohio, so uncalled for by the occasion, so unnecessary and uncertain in its character, and which produced so visible a sensation in the House, on all eides of it, and among all parties in it. That member was wholly responsible for the excitement which it was apparent per

The member himself did not, and could not believe one word of what he bad just uttered, in the face of the House and of the nation. No man in the nation, of any party, who knows the character of the President, believed what the gentleman had charged upon him. He was glad that the member had at length thrown off the cloak un-vaded the whole House. der which he had covertly acted during the present ses The message of the President, he undertook to state

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The Veto.

[MAY 28, 1830

was emphatically his own; and the views presented for the tempted to be maintained by the Executive and by Conrejection of this bill, were the result of the honest con- gress. It was not until that period that its dangers were victions of his own deliberate reflection. Was it an elec- fully perceived. The President had manifested, in the tioneering measure? No man who knows his character message bfore us, that he had been an attentive observer will believe it. The common sense of the nation will put of its progress, and its probable, if not its inevitable conto shame the charge. What! an electioneering measure! sequences. He could not shut his eyes to the constant a popularity hunting scheme! Why, sir, if he had been collisions, the heart-burnings, the combinations, and the so base, in the discharge of a high constitutional duty, as to certain corruption to which its continual exercise would have been operated upon by such a motive, the indications tend, both in and out of Congress. In the conscientious in this Congress-the will of the people, if that will be discharge of a constitutional duty, which he was not at correctly reflected here, a majority of whose Representa- liberty to decline, he had withheld his signature from this tives originally voted for this bill, would have presented bill, and had frankly submitted to us his views upon this the most powerful motive why he should have approved important question; and he trusted we would deliberate and signed this bill. No, sir, the President would not be upon it temperately, as we should, and, in the vote which himself, if he had been capable of being influenced in the we were about to give, upon the reconsideration of this slightest degree by any such considerations. Such consi- bill, according to the powers of the constitution, express derations have no place in minds of the elevated cast of the opinions which we entertain, and not make a false issue, that of the Chief Magistrate. Such considerations are only growing out of a personal assault upon the character or suited to the bent of such grovelling minds as are themselves motives of the Chief Magistrate. capable of making the charge. No, sir, on the contrary- A remark, which fell from a member from Kentucky, on the brink of a great crisis-at a period of unusual politi- [Mr. CHILTON] who preceded the member from Ohio, cal excitement, to save his country from what he conscien- deserved a passing notice, not because of the source from tiously believed to be a dangerous infraction of the consti- which it emanated, for, if that were considered, it would tution to avert the evils which threatened, in its conse- be wholly uncalled for, but simply because it had been quences, the long continuance of the confederacy, upon made by a member of the House. We were asked if its original principles-he had, with a patriotism never Congress were to be controlled by one man; and, for one, surpassed, boldly and firmly staked himself, his present the gentleman informed us he would not submit to it. and his future popularity and fame, against what seemed The gentleman should learn, if he does not know, that to be the current of public opinion. Had he signed this the constitution had conferred upon the President the bill, the road on which he would have travelled, would power which he had, in this instance, exercised; and if the have been a broad pavement, and his continued elevation gentleman thinks he should not exercise it, he should certain, beyond the possibility of doubt. As it was, he seek an amendment of the constitution, By denying the had planted himself upon the ramparts of the constitution, power to construct roads and canals; by refusing to asand had taken the high responsibility upon himself to sume the exercise of any doubtful power; and by deemcheck the downward march in which the system, of which ing it safest to refer the question to our common constituthis bill is a part, was fast hastening us. It required just ents for an amendment to the constitution, the President such a man, in such times, to restore the constitution to had deprived himself of a powerful branch of executive its original reading. In the course of a long and eventful patronage and influence, and has thereby given the most life, he had always been equal to any emergency, how conclusive evidence of his integrity of purpose, and the ever perplexing or embarrassing his situation might be. strongest refutation of the affected and stale cant of his He had never failed to assume responsibility, when he enemies, that, because he was once a leader of the armies should assume it; and, in no instance, in his public life, had of his country, he would be disposed in the civil Governhe displayed, in a more eminent degree, that moral courage ment to assume more powers than legitimately belonged and firmness of character, which was peculiarly character- to him. The power of interposing the executive veto istic of him, than in this. He has achieved a civil victory, upon the legislation of Congress, had been often exerwhich will shed more lustre upon his tuture fame, and be cised since the commencement of the Government under infinitely more durable, than many such victories as that the present constitution. It had generally been exercised of the battle of Orleans, for, by this single act, he verily upon constitutional ground. But instances were to be believed he had done more than any man in this country, found where the power had been exercised wholly upon for the last thirty years, to preserve the constitution and to the grounds of the inexpediency of the measure. A single perpetuate the liberties we enjoy. The constitution was, instance he would cite. On the 28th of February, 1797, he hoped, to be again considered and practised upon, as General Washington returned, with bis objections, to the it, in fact, was oue of limited powers, and the States per- House in which it originated, a bill which had passed Conmitted to enjoy all the powers which they originally in-gress, and which had been presented to him for his signatended to reserve to themselves in that compact of Union. ture, entitled "An act to ascertain and fix the military esThe pernicious consequences, the evil tendencies, to say tablishment of the United States." He withheld his signanothing of the corrupting influence of the exercise of a ture from this bill, not because of the unconstitutionality power over internal improvements by the Federal Govern- of its provisions, but because, in his opinion, it was inexment, were not fully developed until within a very few pedient to pass it. Mr. Madison, during his administration, years last past. Mr. Madison, on the last day of his term had put his veto upon several bills besides the bonus bill. of office, put his veto on the bonus bill. In the following The exercise of this constitutional power by the Executive, year, Mr. Monroe rejected a bill assuming jurisdiction and had never been received with alarm; but, on the contrary, fixing tolls on the Cumberland road. The subject of the had been regarded, as it was intended to be, as a necessary power was discussed at great length, and with great ability and wholesome check upon the acts of the Legislature. in the next Congress. The House of Representatives, by Let the remark of the gentleman pass. It demands no a small majority, at that time affirmed the power to appro- more especial notice. priate money for objects of national improvement, but Mr. P. said he deemed it unnecessary to enter anew denied, and by the vote of the House negatived, the power upon the discussion of this bill. When it was originally to construct roads or canals of any character, whether on its passage before the House, he had had the honor to military, commercial, or for the transportation of the mail. submit his views in opposition to it, and would not then reIt was not until the last administration, that the broad peat them. Nor would he detain the House at that late power to the extent now claimed, limited only by the period of the session, by any elaborate discussion of the arbitrary discretion of Congress, was asserted and at-general principles involved in its provisions, for they had

MAY 28, 1830.]

The Veto.

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been often discussed, and were familiar to the House. He| The constitution proceeds upon the idea that Congress, hoped the result of the vote which we were about to give composed of the Senate and House of Representatives, is in the solemn discharge of a high duty which had devolved not infallible. It has, therefore, erected the additional barupon us, upon this precise measure, in the first year of a rier of the executive veto against hasty or injudicious action. new administration, might resuscitate the almost forgotten It contemplates that veto as countervailing the opinion principles of the constitution, and put an end to a system of one-third of both Houses, because its interposition which cannot end in good, and must lead to the most ruinous makes the concurrence of two-thirds of both Houses necesconsequences. The Chief Magistrate, with a disinterested sary. To complain, then, of its exercise, is to quarrel with patriotism, and regardless of the consequences to him- the form of Government under which we live. It is the self personally, has risked all that he is, or may be, and precise reverse of a complaint which we have often heard thrown himself into the breach, to resist the annihilation of of in a European monarchy. There, the King complained the State sovereignties, and to guard against that consolida- whenever the Parliament refused to register his edicts. tion of these States, which had once been the dread and Here, the Congress are to complain whenever the Chief the terror of the original friends of the confederacy, and Magistrate declines to register their will. their steady followers to the present hour. He was pre pared to sustain him to the utmost of his poor ability; and he confidently believed that he would receive the hearty thanks of a generous country for his course, and not be requited by the unjustifiable Billingsgate abuse which we had this day heard poured upon him. He would detain the House no longer.

I rejoice, sir, that he has so declined. I congratulate my country that, in this instance, the Chief Magistrate has displayed as much of moral, as he heretofore did of physical courage-as much decision and energy in the cabinet, as he heretofore did in the field-by which he will, in some degree, at least, arrest the progress of a system which, in its unrestrained career, threatens to produce more mischief than any man, either in or out of Congress, can pretend even to estimate.

I heard with surprise, nay, with astonishment, the bitter, the acrimonious, and, I must add, the unjustifiable invective, which the member from Ohio poured forth in a torrent against the Chief Magistrate upon this occasion. The main purpose of the gentleman seemed to be to in

Mr. P. P. BARBOUR rose, and said, he felt impelled, by an imperious sense of justice, to say something in vindi cation and justification of the Chief Magistrate of the Union, against the strong animadversion in which gentlemen had indulged towards him because he had dared to do his duty. If, in doing this, [said Mr. B.] I shall use the language of commendation, let no man suppose that it is in the spirit of personal adoration; I never have been, and I trust inculcate the opinion that the rejection of the bill in question God I never shall be, a worshipper of men. I never have felt the influence of a single ray of executive patronage.

But when a public functionary, at a period of great political excitement, like the present, has advanced, with a firm and fearless step, to the discharge of his public duty, as the President in this case has done "uncaring consequences" as they regard himself; when, by this manly and independent course, he has contributed essentially to promote the happiness, the prosperity, and the best interests of a mighty community of States-whilst I will do no homage to the man, I must, I will do justice to the rare and distinguished merit of the officer; and if this cannot be done without ascribing to him even the highest degree of praise, then that praise is a tribute which is justly due to him, and which I most cheerfully pay.

But let us inquire what has the President done which calls forth this loud complaint.

Why, forsooth, he has dared to put his veto upon a bill passed by both Houses of Congress, and has returned it with his objections. And has it come to this, that it is cause of complaint that the Chief Executive Magistrate, constituting, as he does, a co-ordinate branch of the Legislature, has ventured to perform his constitutional function, in dissenting from a law, which, in his judgment, would be ruinous in its consequences? Was it in the contemplation of those who framed the constitution, that the Presi dent should be set up as a mere pageant, with powers possessed in theory, but never to be reduced to practice? or was it intended that this veto upon legislation, like every other power, should be exercised, whensoever the occasion should occur to make it necessary? Do not gentlemen perceive that they might, with as much reason, complain that the Senate had negatived one of our bills; for they, too, are only a co-ordinate branch of the Legislature, as is the Executive Magistrate!

was with a view to acquiring popularity! What, sir, an attempt at popularity! Look, for a moment, at the circumstances of the case, and then tell me whether this opinion can be sustained.

This bill was not only carried by a majority, as it must have been, but by a decisive majority of both Houses of Congress. Can any man suppose that a President, who set out upon an adventure in quest of popularity, would make his first experiment against a question which, by passing both Houses of Congress, seemed to carry with it the approbation of the States, and the people of the States? On the contrary, if he were going for himself, rather than for his country, would he not, by approving the bill, have just floated down the current of apparent public opinion, without encountering the least impediment in his course? Instead of this, sir, what has he done? Regarding his country more than himself-looking with an eye that never winked to the public good, and not to his personal aggrandizement-he has withholden his approval from this bill, which was a favorite bantling with a majority of both Houses of Congress. He has thus placed himself in a position where he has to win his way to public approbation, in this respect, under as adverse circumstances as the mariner who has to row up stream against wind and tide.

And this is said to be seeking after popularity! Credat Judæus apella. Sir, it is any thing but seeking after popularity in the noxious sense in which that expression has been applied to him. But if I know any thing of the character of my countrymen-if a rare example of political integrity and firmness will constitute a claim to their esteemif disinterestedness and self-denial be any evidence of virtue in public men-then, indeed, without seeking, will he have found popularity-not of that mushroom kind which is acquired without merit, and lost without fault, but that more noble kind which is always bestowed by all good men Sir, each department, and every branch of each depart-as the just reward of virtuous actions, and is always withment of the Government, has its appropriate functions holden from those who, without deserving it, endeavor to assigned. The country expects and requires every one to acquire it. do its duty, whether it consists of one man, or a plurality of men. And whosoever shall fail to do so, though he may hope to consult his safety by an avoidance of responsibility, will find that he has forfeited the esteem and confidence which are invariably awarded by public opinion to firmness and fidelity in the performance of public trusts.

Šir, the man who is in quest of popularity and power, would have taken a different course. By approving this bill, and thus continuing the system of internal improvement, the President would have commanded an immense amount of patronage, as well in the disbursement of countless millions of money, as in appointment to office. And

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