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a part of the report itself, he presumed that, by the rules of the House, they were required to be printed in one book or pamphlet. This was, he knew, done on two former occasions; the one when he had the honor to be appointed on the Committee of Retrenchment, in 1828, and the other in the case of the apportionment bill.

[H. OF R.

evening. It was late. No person was there. The following morning (Saturday) he went there again, and handed them to the principal person who happened to be there. And yet, said he, will the public printer tell this House, and this nation, that he had not the documents in time to be able to print them and lay them on our tables? Sir, they were thus in his possession, brought to his office by my own hands. The public printer, he believed, knew where the report was all the time-that it was in his (Mr. M.'s) possession, for he had himself been aiding in getting it ready for the press, and had corrected the papers were brought, as already stated, to the Intelligencer office. Whatever wrong, then, had been committed, he must ask the member from Connecticut to wreak his displeasure upon him. If there was to be any censure bestowed for the share he had in all this, that censure he was bound and was ready to assume. He cared little about the question whether the reports should be printed together or not.

In both cases, Mr. E. said, he had been in the minority, and had, with his colleagues, presented their views, which, when the reports were ordered to be printed, were comprised in, and formed a part of the reports. It was true that, in 1828, there was some opposition to this, it being then desired to have the minority report exclu-proofs as they came from the Globe; after which, the ded from connexion with the report of the majority on the Committee on Retrenchment. A question having arisen upon the usage in such cases, the Clerk of the House was appealed to; but he said that such had not been the practice of the House, and he refused to order them to be printed detached from each other, unless he was specially directed so to do by the presiding officer of the House. That officer, on being applied to for such an order, he had been told, actually declined to interfere. The three reports from the committee, in 1832, on the subject of the bank, were printed in one pamphlet, as Report No. 460, with a continuous paging throughout.

Mr. ELLSWORTH said he would assure the honorable member from New York that he was mistaken in supposing that he meant to cast any censure upon his conduct. He was only happy to hear so many explaile did not himself care which way this question nations on this subject. He certainly had felt some inshould be disposed of; for, however it was determined, terest, that a fair view of all the matters connected with from him his constituents should hear both sides of it. the investigation by the committee, should be presentWith this view, he would desire to have them printed to-ed at as early a date, and in as correct a form as possigether, not merely for his own convenience in despatching them, but also for the benefit of those who, he doubted not, generally desired to have both sides, in order that they might form just conclusions for themselves.

Mr. MILLER obtained the floor, but gave way at the instance of

ble, to the people. Having known that the order for printing these reports was made on Thursday morning[Mr. MANN.--Evening.]

Mr. E.--Well, Thurday afternoon, then: he went to the office of the National Intelligencer that same evening, when he was informed that the report of the comMr. THOMAS, who remarked, that it was erroneously mittee had not, as it ought to have been, sent there. supposed that he intended to reflect upon the printer of The next day he had gone again, and there was still no the House. He had said that no inconvenience had re-account of them. Mr. E. could state, that the printers sulted from his having given a copy of the original report took considerable pains to ascertain where the report for publication, and no error had been committed by the of the majority and documents were. Yet, these perprinter of the House in consequence of that circumstance. sons were to be blamed, because they did not print the The public printer had a copy both of the appendix and documents before they received them! Upon the memthe journal, but he seemed to be at a loss to conceive ber's own statement, was this fair towards individuals why the appendix should be printed, as it consisted of who had always enjoyed, and deservedly, the public conextracts from the journal. This error of the printer hadfidence? The member admits that he had the papera not, as the gentleman from Connecticut supposed, grown in his possession, and brought them only to the office at out of the fact that a copy of the report had been furnish-so late an hour on Friday evening, that there was no pered to the Globe. son to whom they could be given; and that, finally, the Mr. MILLER, a second time, obtained the floor, and printers did not receive them until Saturday morning. again gave way to Who, then, was the cause of the delay attributed so unMr. MANN, of New York, who said that an explana-justly to these individuals? Was it not clearly apparent tion was due from him, having had the charge of prepa- to be a delay caused at the gentleman's own instance? ring the documents composing the appendix for the press. There was a delay from Thursday until Saturday. At If, then any person was to be blamed, he felt that he was what time, he could not help asking, was the report carried that person. He apprehended that the error which gen-to the office of the Globe? According to the statement, tlemen seemed to be possessed with, was the consequence of two editorial articles in the Intelligencer, which conreyed some reflections on the committee. These (Mr. ML said) he had noticed when they appeared in that paper, but he had treated them as the pestiferous idle wind which he regarded not, knowing that the censure implied by them, as it applied to him as a member of the committee, was altogether unmerited. It had been said that the report was withheld from the public printer. A short statement would explain his agency in the matter. When the report was presented to the House it was in a rough state, and it was necessary to have a correct copy made for the purpose of printing from: he obtained it for that purpose. The day after it was presented, (Friday,) he had been laboriously engaged in having this done, and having the documents arranged, at the request of the chairman of the committee. When that was completed, the report, documents, and journal, were by his own beads carried to the office of the public printer on Friday

the editor of that paper must have had it at least on Friday. Although not disposed to lecture on the subject, he must say that all this had the appearance of having been done in order to give that editor an opportunity of printing one report without the other, and without the correspondence, which formed an essential part of it. However, if the explanation of the gentleman was satisfactory to the House or the nation, so be it.

Mr. MILLER said that, if the gentlemen had all made their explanations, he would submit a few remarks, although he regretted to protract a debate at this important period of the session. As related to the mistake that had occurred, in regard to the printing of the appendix or correspondence annexed to the report of the majority of the committee, he did not believe that much censure He understood that some ought to attach to any one. mistake had occurred, by which the journal of the committee had been blended unintentionally with the correspondence between the committee of this House and the

H. OF R.]

Bank Reports.

[MAY 27, 1834.

representatives of the bank--that it was subsequently full of the hope that members, on the contrary, will not discovered, when the types were partly set, and the cor- only be willing, nay, that for the purpose of truly possesrection of this error had caused the delay. Such mis-sing the public of the contents of these important docutakes may occur without any blame being justly attached ments, that they would be zealous in exertions to keep to any person. With regard to the question immediately them together, to despatch them together, uninfluenced before the House, that of ordering both documents to be by low considerations of party. With this view, I hope printed in one pamphlet, he viewed it as of very little that the reports and the appendix will be so printed, so importance. For himself, if they were printed separate- attached together, that it would be impossible to separate ly, he would send them both together to such of his con- them. That thus, if there were men so base, which I do stituents as the number printed would enable him to supply. He was not afraid to trust them with both sides of the question. He presumed other gentlemen would pur

sue the same course.

not believe there would be in this honorable House, as to
think of or to attend to the honorable suggestion of the
chairman of the committee, as to send out such a thing as
a garbled statement, they would be in this way prevented
from executing so foul a purpose. Let them take the
only means to prevent it, and send out the whole truth on
a matter so important, so perilous to the nation.
What, I inquire of every honorable man, would be the
condition in which the country would be placed, if we
withhold the truth from the people; from that people so
deeply so entirely interested in this the greatest question
which they ever had before them? Would it be fair,
would it be honest, to this anxious community? No, no.
Dare we attempt to palm off on the nation a one-sided
statement, as a full representation of what passed between
the directors of the bank and the committee of this House?
Again, and again, I would refer them back to the former
practice of the House when the bank had a majority
there, and call on them to follow it.

The present motion appeared to have no other object than that of compelling members to send them together. He thought this matter might be trusted to the discretion of gentlemen themselves; and, if members were disposed to separate them, they could do so notwithstanding they were bound together by a small cord. In point of fact, they were separate documents, and had separate appendixes. This he knew when he made the motion, and that had operated upon him in submitting the motion in the form he had. He thought, if the House printed an equal number of each report, it ought to be sufficient to repel the charge of a disposition to print and circulate partial information at the expense of the nation. According to strict parliamentary proceeding, the views of the minority were not considered a report, and leave would have to be obtained to present them to the House. A What had they not seen done, even in the getting up different practice, however, had prevailed in the House, of this report already? Why, an open attempt to forestall and he was not disposed to disturb it. It was, perhaps, public opinion; a most unworthy attempt, with the aid one that was founded in good sense. But as the reports of a member of Congress, of the committee to put upon were separate and distinct documents, he could see no the public a garbled statement. Possessing himself, for obligation on the part of the House to unite them. The that purpose, of a report, which was the property of the decision that the House might make on the question was to him unimportant. He would, therefore, not trespass longer on the patience of the House.

Mr. BURGES said, by the motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. MILLER,] we are required to print 30,000 extra copies of the report of the bank committee; by the amendment offered by the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. BRIGGS,] it is proposed to attach the two parts, the majority and minority report, together, and send the whole out to the people at the same time.

House when once presented, and transferring it to a party paper, for party purposes, and preventing its being handed over, as was the usual custom, to the printers appointed to do their business.

I put it to the House whether, now knowing this, they would sanction such conduct? If it were denied, he asserted that it had been done. Ay, a copy of one report only, and without any of the correspondence, had been, with the aid of a member of the committee, sent out for the unwarrantable purpose of forestalling, by such foul Sir, I always understood that it had been the uniform means, the public opinion. This is all correct, no doubt, usage of the House to send forth reports of this descrip- in the estimation of some men entirely devoted to party, tion when ordered to be printed, for the information of if there be such men. It may highly become a party su the public, together, in the manner proposed by this to take, so to use, and so to detain public papers. The amendment. I desire honorable members particularly to Clerk's table, once sacred, is now no security. No matlook back to that conduct which had been pursued in re-ter. The papers are safe; safe in the hands of an honorgard to this very institution, when, in place of a minority, able member, in a secret room, and under the hand of a there was a majority of the House in its favor. Were not confidential clerk to copy such parts as the honorable genthe two reports presented by the committee, appointed tleman shall mark as useful to be published, or proper to to investigate its affairs, published together? They as- leave uncopied, and unprinted, and unseen by the people. suredly were; for no man then even dreamed of commit- These, sir, are the methods pursued under the adviseting so gross an outrage upon the intelligence and honesty ment of the chairman of this high and important comof the people; no man dared then to encounter the re-mittee, to send out a part, a garbled part, of a report; proaches of the nation, if an outrage so flagrant had been and so to place it under the public eye, that the strongest attempted. Was not the consequence of sending the re-impression, no matter whether correct or not, may be ports separate, to present to the public a partial view, a made against the bank.

one-side view, 'on this question? Was it this which gen- This question, I maintain, is one that rises above every tlemen desired? If so, let it be avowed. It was avow- consideration of party. It is a question interesting, deeped; for what did they not hear? Had it not been sug-ly interesting, to public liberty itself. Here has been a gested in this debate, even by the chairman of the com- foul attempt to forestall, as had been done in another inmittee [Mr. THOMAS] himself, that it was almost idle to stance, (the case of the presidential protest,) public opindebate the subject, when it was in the power of every ion; and, following such high example, I doubt not anmember to settle the question of sending them out se- other 40,000 copies will be circulated. Let me tell that parately or together, by cutting the thread that attached honorable member this partial mode of dealing with the them; and thus, for party purposes, to separate them? reports of the House will not prosper. It is not right. Kind, honest, just suggestion! Sir, I deny that any hon-It is not honest. It cannot succeed with an intelligent orable member, I mean any member, dare resort to such community.

an expedient. None ought; none, I trust, would be guilty

Nothing else will satisfy this country, but an honest, of such a deed. No man would be found so base, I am fair-dealing distribution of such papers as are intended

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by the House for their full information, whilst they believe that the arm of force is so stretched out over the liberty of the country that no man can be deemed safe, either in his person or his papers, from the outrageous, revolting, and unconstitutional exactions and assumptions of those in high office, now assuming irresponsible and unlimited power.

After a few remarks from Mr. CHILTON-

Mr. MILLER said the discussion on what was in itself so unimportant, was becoming so interminable that, with a view to obviate all further objections, he would accept of the amendment proposed by the member from Massachusetts as a modification of his own.

The question thereon being on the motion of Mr. MILLER as modified

Mr. PINCKNEY was in favor of printing the largest number of both reports. He was desirous that the minority report should be extensively circulated, as, in his opinion, it contained, as far as it went, sound and correct constitutional views.

Mr. MASON inquired whether it was in order to discuss the contents of either of the reports upon the motion before the House?

The CHAIR replied, upon a question of printing a document, the subject of it was open to discussion to a certain extent.

[H. OF R.

personal rights and libertiesof her citizens to be invaded in the manner proposed

[The CHAIR interposed. This was a question of printing merely. The debate at large on the subject was postponed until Tuesday, and could not be thus incidentally entered into.]

Mr. P. said he would not pursue the topic at this time. The grounds taken by the House in the adoption of the resolution ought to be understood. The people should know the flagrant violation of their rights that had been committed by the House.

[The CHAIR said, no reflections upon the proceedings of the House were in order.

Mr. PATTON hoped the gentleman would be permitted to proceed, and that an opportunity would be afforded for reply. The CHALR said, order must be preserved.]

Mr. PINCKNEY wished the doctrines in these documents to be disseminated universally throughout the State of Pennsylvania, and that her citizens might determine whether the proceedings of this House, and the measures proposed by this committee, do not involve an assumption of power which it may be the duty of that State to resist. If her citizens should be brought to the bar of the House, under the resolution reported by the committee, he could not say which idea would be most mortifying to him-that the House should have so far transcended its authority, or that the State of Pennsylvania should have tamely submitted to such a usurpation, &c.

been assigned for the consideration of this subject; when that arrived he hoped a full discussion would be gone into; at this time he hoped the question would be taken without going into any further irregular discussion.

Mr. PINCKNEY proceeded: He wished to assign his reasons for voting to print the largest number. They were, perhaps, not the same reasons which would influence other members; and if he was not allowed to state Mr. MASON had not seen the report of the minority them, such as they were, it would be to deny to him the of the committee, but had no manner of objection that right of speaking upon the question at all. The only it should accompany the report of the majority. He objection he had against the report of the minority was, trusted the example of the gentleman from South Carothat it did not go far enough in its constitutional views. lina [Mr. PINCKNEY] would not be followed. He was not But be particularly wished the largest proposed number disposed to forestall public opinion as to the merits of of the report of the majority published, that the people either of these reports. As to his own share in the promight see and understand the monstrous powers arro-ceedings, he was prepared to abide the severest scrutiny gated for this House--arrogations which, if sustained, to which his conduct could be subjected. A day had deeply involve the liberties of the people. If they had a particle of regard for their liberties left, it might be expected that they would resent and repel this attempt to subjugate them to unwritten and undefined power. Mr. P. said he was anxious that the report of the minority of the committee might be extensively circulated in the State of Pennsylvania. It was that State, principally, which had placed General Jackson in the presidential chair. He wished that State to see this proposition to prostrate her sovereignty, and drag fourteen of her most respectable citizens before the bar of this House. Her citizens would be able, by this attempt to degrade that State, to understand the tyranny of those who now hold the reins of power. The people of that State already know that every class is involved in unprecedented distress by the measures of the Executive. They had seen the attempt made by the President to disgrace the

Senate.

Mr. BYNUM said he was sorry that the honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania had consented to accept of the amendment of the honorable member from Masachusetts, as he conceived that amendment to have a partial reflection on a certain party in this House. He was prepared to vote for the original motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania. He stood on his own responsibility, and held himself amenable to no earthly power for his acts, except to that portion of the people whom he alone directly represented here.

[Mr. B. was about to enter into an argument on the merits of the amendment, when the Speaker stated the amendment had been acted on, and his remarks in relation to it would be out of order.]

[The SPEAKER called the gentleman to order.] Mr. B. then said his principal object in rising had been Mr. P. submitted to the Chair. He said he was assign- to reply to the extraordinary remarks of the honorable ng the reasons why he should vote for printing the larg-member from South Carolina [Mr. PINCKNEY] who had est number of this document. The citizens of Pennsyl-just taken his seat, and asked if it would be in order to vania might not know that it was now proposed to give reply to some remarks that had just fallen from that honthis House power over the personal liberty of her citi-orable member.

proceed.

zers. They well knew their property was at the disposal The SPEAKER replied it would, and asked Mr. B. to of Congress--they might not be aware that their personal liberty was also supposed to be at its disposal. They know that their meritorious sons, Messrs. Ingham and Deane, had been ignominiously dismissed from office without a cause; but they may not know that it was contemplated to drag fourteen of her most distinguished citizens as criminals before this House. He wished the people of that State to read the reports and determine whether they would permit this to be done. Whether that bate might not think proper to interfere and rescue the VOL. X--268

Mr. BYNUM then said that it was strange that the gentleman had been guilty of the very thing that he, and the party with which he acted, had just complained of. It had been said that the object of the majority of the committee, in their report, was to forestall public opinion. Now, he asked, what was the object of the gentleman in denouncing, in advance, the report of the majority of the bank committee? What was it done for by the gentleman, if it were not to prejudge it? The report of the

H. OF R.]

Bank Reporis.

[MAY 27, 1834.

committee was not now under consideration. The gen-ambition. Mr. B. said that the President had been placed tleman must have had an object in doing what he did; there by the People, by a most overwhelming majority, then if it was a reasonable object, it certainly was to and he hoped, in spite of the efforts of such a party, and prejudice, beforehand, the people of the country against their bank government to aid them, the people would that report. He considered such a course unfair and un-sustain him so long as he so nobly adhered to their rights justifiable.

and interests, in defence of which he was now willing to The honorable gentleman had called on Pennsylvania sacrifice his all. He was glad that the gentleman had to wake up, and resist the outrageous usurpations about thought fit to arraign this House for the exercise of tyto be practised on her citizens. He had no doubt that ranny and usurpation towards the bank government. the poor, ignorant, benighted Pennsylvanians would be Yes, the representatives of the whole people had also greatly obliged to that honorable gentleman for taking been guilty of usurpation and tyranny towards the bank. charge of their interests on this floor, and for the great But who were those that had been guilty of this usurpasolicitude that he had expressed to have for them--poor, tion? the members of this House, and many of them the ignorant creatures, unenlightened, uninformed as they warmest friends of the bank, for many of them voted to were of the course they ought to pursue, as was thought clothe this very committee with the very power that they by the intelligent gentleman from South Carolina. He had exercised, and proposed now to exercise. Were asked if a poor farmer had treated with contempt the man- they, then, not as culpable as the committee, who only dates of the representatives of this House, if there would proposed to execute the powers granted them by the be, in all probability, so many tears shed by gentlemen, | House? Certainly, he thought that those who gave the when the simple process of arrest was proposed by this powers to the committee were the persons guilty of the House to be served on him? He doubted very much if usurpation, and among them was, he believed, a majority he might not be dragged here, without a single sympathy of the warmest friends of the bank in the House. of honorable gentlemen who now manifested so much the cry of usurpation and tyranny had been set afloat to sensibility with regard to Nicholas Biddle and his bank gull and impose on the poor ignorant people, no doubt as gentlemen thought, and he expected next to hear that

associates.

But

It was now evident, and it was unnecessary to attempt the people themselves had become the tyrants and usurpto conceal it longer, that there were only two great par-ers of the powers and rights of this precious monopoly; ties in this country: one arrayed in favor of the govern- of this most arrogant and corrupt institution, that is now ment of the bank, and the other in favor of the govern- bidding defiance to the Government of the whole nation ment of the people. Gentlemen had shown their cloven- and its authority The gentleman from South Carolina foot too plainly to be misunderstood by any intelligent seemed much alarmed as to the power of the House to mind; their object was to defend the bank, and protect arrest a citizen in Pennsylvania, and bring him here to it in whatever course she might pursue. His object was testify before this body. He thought there was no more the reverse; he was determined to defend and protect, cause for alarm than there should be in case the court of as far as he was able, the Government and the people, in the United States were to issue a subpoena to arrest an defiance of the bank and its mercenary advocates. He individual to appear before it in this city. The same bowed to and recognised no tyrants nor tyrannical insti- power that had given this right to the court of the United tutions, but to the tyrant, people; they were the only ty- States, had given it to this body, as a collateral branch rants to whom he would bow or obey. of the Government. He could not, then, see why such extraordinary sensibility should be felt by honorable gentlemen on the present occasion, except for the extraordinary interest taken on behalf of the bank and its officers.

The gentleman from South Carolina had, in his usual course, denounced the President as a tyrant and usurper. Indeed, if a stranger were present, and not accurately acquainted with the proceedings of this House, and with the nature of the subject before it, he would take it for What had we heard, said Mr. B.? Had not the gengranted that the President had drawn up the tyrannical tleman called upon the good people of Pennsylvania to report of the majority of the bank committee. What resist the civil authorities of the Government? Had he had the President to do with that committee, or its re- not here, and on this floor, endeavored to excite the good port? He really did not see in what manner the gentle-people of that patriotic State to rebellion? Yes, sir, to man could reasonably make the President guilty of the rebellion. tyranny and usurpation which had been committed on [Mr. PINCKNEY rose in explanation. He denied having the bank by the enlightened and intelligent committee, called upon Pennsylvania to resist; he had only thrown appointed by an overwhelming majority of this House, out a surmise that she might think it her duty to do so, i to investigate its concerns. The gentleman had said, too, the House should transcend its just authority.] that the President had made war on the Senate. Hle de- Mr. BYNUM resumed. He said he was very glad that nied it. It was the reverse. The Senate had made war-the gentleman had disavowed his assertion, as he certainly [liere the SPEAKER said that he called the gentleman from understood him to have said what he had stated, mos South Carolina to order when he made that remark, and distinctly; but he was glad that the gentleman had nov it was out of order to reply to it.] Mr. B. then said that qualified his remarks on that subject. He hoped n there was a desperate, reckless party, that had, not only member of this House was capable of wishing to excite in this House, but in other places, seized every occasion, rebellion in this country, however desperate might b however irrelevant, to abuse and denounce the President the fortunes of their political party. It had already com of the United States as a tyrant and usurper. It was to this, that the House of Representatives was accused done to produce a revolution in public sentiment, with usurpation and tyranny: he supposed the next step woul the sole purpose of bringing into power those reckless be to accuse the people of being tyrants. persons who were ready to produce any revolution in [Mr. WATMOUGH interposed, and inquired if th order to turn themselves uppermost. had reference to the subject?

Mr. LYTLE said the gentleman should take down ti exceptionable words.

Yes, they were willing to see the fairest and happiest country deluged in blood and desolation, the world ever saw, to wreak their vengeance on that venerable old pa- The CHAIR did not sustain the objection of Mr. Wa triot who now occupied the White House to their exclu- MOUGH, but entreated Mr. BYNUM to keep within the lin sion. But for him, they thought their unbridled ambi-its of order.] tion might have been long since gratified. He was the Mr. BYNUM continued. He should like to know wh only barrier between them and the great object of their such alarm should be felt at the proposition of the co

MAY 27, 1834.]

Bank Reports.

[H. OF R.

mittee simply to arrest persons at a distance and have Mr. LYTLE said that between the Speaker and himthem brought here to testify, when almost every judicial self an honest difference of opinion might exist; but the tribunal in the country, of any consequence, had exer- obvious tendency and design of the remark of the gentlecised this power almost a thousand times over, without man from Rhode Island was to make that charge. If it the least alarm or complaint being made in any quarter. was not, he could deny the fact. He threw the charge Were the persons connected with this bank to have su back with scorn and contempt, from whatever source it perior privileges to any other class of citizens of this might emanate, as a gross libel upon the motives and Country He hoped not. He hoped that the freemen of conduct of the committee. So far from any portion of America would never consent that a few bankers should the committee desiring to "forestall public opinion" by be more exempt from arrests, or any other regular pro- printing these reports separately, it was their unanimous cess of the laws of this country, than any other plain opinion that they should be printed together. If the men of the community. He saw nothing in the report of public printer has printed separately the copies designed the majority of the committee that had alarmed him in for the use of the members, it was a matter which, so the least. far as he knew, rested entirely between the Clerk and the printer.

It

The powers which it proposed to be exercised, had been exercised by bodies of much inferior dignity, a hun- He fully agreed with the gentleman from South Carodred times over, without prejudice to the citizen, or ma- lina, [Mr. PINCKNEY,] that the largest number proposed terial injury to any one. He thought the charge against should be printed. He wished the people of this counthe committee, of usurping arbitrary power, of the same try to understand the position which had been taken by class with those that had been so profusely made against the bank. A new and distinct issue had been formed. the Executive, both of which were equally, he thought, It was no longer a mere question of bank or no bank. unfounded, and coined with the same intent. The peo- was one of infinitely greater importance--whether a ple were not so blind, he hoped, as not to see through the moneyed corporation was stronger than the Government game that certain political jugglers were endeavoring to which gave it existence; and whether the representatives play on them here and elsewhere. It was in vain to try of the people did or did not possess the right of examinato screen the conduct of the bank, by attempting to draw tion, expressly reserved in the charter. This was the off from it the attention of the people, by setting up a true issue which had been raised by the directors of this cry of tyranny and usurpation against all who dare to corporation. question the purity of its conduct, and who will not con- It had afforded the gentleman from South Carolina sent to bow before its golden altar. The keen-sighted [Mr. PINCKNEY] an opportunity of urging upon the minds people would never be diverted from their object by such of the people of Pennsylvania the odious doctrines of nulshifts to avoid a strict investigation into the conduct of lification. It would, no doubt, be exceedingly agreeable the bank; and those who expected to succeed by re-to that gentleman to associate Pennsylvania with South sorting to such means, his life upon it, would be wofully Carolina in such a cause. But, if he expected to effect this, deceived, when fairly confronted before the mass of the he had misconceived public opinion. The effervescence great body of the American people. The honorable gen- of feeling which had been displayed upon a late festive tleman and his party deceived themselves, if they thought occasion was limited and superficial, and can be traced to that they were to succeed by imposing on the honest causes altogether distinct from political partialities or freemen of this country, philipics and bitter denuncia- sympathies, on the part of the people of that great State. tions of all who presumed to differ from them, as being The State of Pennsylvania was still sound to the core. the advocates of tyranny and usurpation. The people She could not be deluded or seduced from her devotion were not so ignorant as not to require proof of such to the constitution. She was still the key-stone of the charges, before they proceed to condemn some of the Union-bank or no bank. He did not propose to go into best and purest of men. a discussion of the report at this time, but was prepared to defend every inch of ground taken by the committee. The report was a naked chronicle of their proceedings, concluding with resolutions which were intended as a mere synopsis of what the committee considered neces sary, in order to vindicate themselves and this House from the insults heaped upon them by the managers of the bank.

He had submitted his views in reply to the honorable gentleman, simply to let him know that there were others in this House who entertained opinions directly at variance with those the honorable gentleman entertained, and who were as tenacious and as conscientious of them as the honorable member could possibly be of his.

Mr. HAWES said, from appearances, if the discussion were not stopped, it would occupy the whole day. There Was other important business before the House. Ile

The attempt that had been made, soon after the appointment of the committee, to "forestall" public opintherefore moved that the motion be laid on the table. ion, by the bank organ in this city, he should consider to On this motion, Mr. PLUMMER called for the yeas be a proper subject of future inquiry. The conductors and nays, but the House refused to order them. of the National Intelligencer had dared to asperse the The motion was negatived without a count. motives and conduct of this committee. As the official Mr. LYTLE felt an imperative obligation to make a organs of the bank, they had, "by authority," (he brief explanation for the satisfaction of the House as well quoted from memory,) announced to this House that it as himself. The committee were unanimously of opin-should be protected, through the well-known purity and is that both reports should be printed in the same vol- elevated character of the president and directors of the une. Every individual expressed an entire willingness bank, from the unworthy scrutiny and nefarious designs that the views of both sides should be presented togetuer. He had been amazed and confounded at the course of this debate. The House had been told that the majority of the committee had desired to "forestall" public opinion.

The CHAIR said no such charge had been made to the understanding of the Chair.

Mr. LYTLE said such a charge had been made by the gentleman from Rhode Island, [Mr. BURGES.]

The CHAIR said it could only have been stated hypothetically, or that gentleman would have been called to under.

of the committee of their own appointment. Thus it appears that the first attempt to "forestall" public opinion was made by the printers to Congress; and we all know that the same line of conduct has been industriously pursued by the other pens'oned presses of the bank throughout the Union.

He hoped the two reports, in accordance with the opinion of the committee, would be printed together, and that the largest number would be printed.

Mr. SUTHERLAND said he felt very thankful, so far as he was concerned, as an humble member from the

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