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who, fron their sex or age and habits, had no way of improving their limited fortunes, the burthen bore with its whole weight; a most respectable class, who suffered severely, but without complaining: "It was shewn in our last Number, in what manner the transition from a state of war to a state of peace produced, inevitably, great embarrassment and extensive distress. The war, a customer to the amount of more than fifty millions annually, left the markets it would be absurd to ask whether or not this must affect the innumerable persons who were employed in providing the articles which it required. The extent to which machinery has been carried has thrown many hands out of employment at home; and the use of that machinery, which was at one time almost exelusively our own, and most of which is of our invention, has been introduced abroad; both inevitable consequences of the improved state of knowledge. The continental nations have learnt to manufacture many articles of necessity for themselves, for which they formerly were, in a great degree, dependant upon us; and they have no money to spare for articles of luxury :--they have suffered too much during twenty years of warfare and oppression. To these causes must be added, what is perpetually operating as a cause of partial distress, the fluctuation of Pour own capricious fashions, which, as they vary from muslins to silks, and from silks to stuffs, injure alternately the looms of Glasgow and Manchester, of Spitalfields and of Norwich. Add also the consequences of a season which has been more unfavourable to agricultural produce of every kind than any within the memory of man; and whatever difficulties and distresses may exist either in the agricultural or manufacturing part of the people, may be explained without referring them to corrupt parliaments, profligate ministers, and the Prince Regents 1. We have before us the resolutions of sundry meetings held in the city of London, to consider the propriety of petitioning the Prince Regent and the Legislature for a reform in Parliament.The resolutions from Bishopsgate assert, that the people are

goaded with an army of remorseless tax-gatherers, urged on by the cravings of a rapacious, oppressive, and imbecile administration :' they remind us that our history exhibits the patriotic sons of England as dismissing and chastising those kings and counsellors, whose profligacy and arbitrary attempts had rendered them obnoxious ;' they say that the inost profligate expenditure among the pecple's servants, from the lowest to the highest rank, and an unfeeling disregard of the people's wants and miseries, are among the lightest subjects of complaint. They tell us, that statesmen, living upon the public spoil and holding places of high trust, are found in this day to advocate the accursed doctrine of legitimacy: in other words, the Divine right of kings. They tell us, that the British Government have employed their base engine, the standing army,' to assist in establishing the Inquisition. They say, the said resolutioners of Bishopsgate-ward, We claim, we demand and insist that we may have a constitutional voice in the House of the people. A full, fair, and free representation of the people and parliaments of short duration will immediately tend to restore the country to health, happiness, and vigour.' And then they say, they shall no longer hear of Habeas-corpus suspension bills, of gagging and treason bills;'--measures, be it observed, which they seem very naturally and properly to apprehend. The resolutions from Farringdon-without complain of the long, desolating and profligate war against the French people, a war whose object, character, and consequences, they both reprobate and deplore.' They complain also of 'a standing army, wholly unnecessary and dangerous :' and an intolerable horde of state and of parish paupers.' They require a complete and radical reform, assuring us however that they wish it to be peaceable and tranquil,' and they are convinced that corruption will not dare refuse, or policy misunderstand the prayers and wishes of an united people.' Mr. Coates was the mover of these resolutions, not Mr. Romeo Coates, the amateur of fashion,but Mr. Coates, the amateur of gin, who recommends his gin as a wholesome and strengthening beverage, and inveighs in his advertisements against those canting moralists who represent gin-drinking as a vice!: Mr. Coates is strong in his resolutions,--strong and fiery,—they smack indeed of the still, ---but certainly not of the right British spirit. Mr. Hitchins of Cripplegate-without is even stronger. He tells us that the causes which blight all the hopes of the merchant, the manufacturer, the agriculturist, the peasant and the artist, are principally if not altogether to be traced to a system alike hostile to the interests of this country, the progress of freedom, and the welfare of the human Face; a system first directed to crush the rising energies of freedom in France, and since employed as fatally in eradicating almost every trace of comfort, and every spark of independence at home.' He tells us it is in vain to expect that the friends and parties of abuses who now disgrace the honourable House of Commons will ever be brought to sit in judgment upon their own iniquities, or pass the sentence of condemnation upon their own misdeeds. The inhabitants of this ward disclaim all party-feeling, all violent ebullitions of personal resentment,--they wish to avoid all excesses and disturbances; but they are convinced that nothing short of a radical reform will be effectual, and they recommend this measure as the only one which can save the state or satisfy the le : as the only means to prevent the country from experiencing the danger of

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anarchy

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anarchy and the horrors of civil war, which appear to be the inevi· table tendency and result of a further neglect of that constitutional method of restoring lost confidence.-Cripplegate has outdone Bishopsgate,--and Billingsgate may not be able to go beyond it.

We asked bread, says an orator at one of the mob-meetings

sands for a monument to commemorate that fatal day Waterloo.' At the same meeting, a man asserted, that the horrors of the Inquisition had been restored at the point of the British bayonet.' He, perhaps, in his ignorance, believed, upon the authority of Bishopsgate-ward, the infamous and detestable falsehood which he thus repeated. Truth, says a Jewish proverb, stands upon two legs, and a lie upon one ;-but this lie has not a leg to stand on. The British government has, on one occasion--the only occasion in its power--interfered respecting the Inquisition, and it was to stipulate in solemn treaty with its ally, the Prince of Brazil, that he would take measures for abolishing it in his dominions. But the men who invent or repeat every kind of calumny against their country have neither ears to hear, nor understanding to comprehend, nor hearts to feel any thing to its honour. With them Buonaparte is no tyrant, Marshal Ney no traitor, and Waterloo a fatal day. The Monthly Magazine tells us that this country has occasioned the death of 5,800,000 persons, in Calabria, Russia, Poland, Germany, France, Spain and Portugal. Not Buonaparte--but this country, reader, England our country, our great, our glorious, our beloved country, according to this Magazine, has been the guilty cause of all this carnage! And the worthy editor bawls out for condign punishment upon the authors of the war;--uot meaning Buonaparte-he, injured man! being, in the opinion of the Pythagorean knight,* innocent of this blood! The said Sir Pythagoras has founded a society for preventing war—he should apply to his friend, the Ex-emperor, to become the patron of the society. Hob bs

More than a century has elapsed since Steele expressed his wonder that men should be malecontents in the only nation which suffers professed enemies to breathe in open air; and he observed, that the newspapers were as pernicious to weak heads in England, as ever books of chivalry had been in Spain: would that the madness which they engender was as harmless in its kind! What would he have said, bad he seen the fearful humour of these distempered times, when men, who, of all styles, most affect and strive to imitate Aretine's, are continually addressing the worst passions of the worst part of the community for the purpose of bringing the worst of all imaginable calamities upon their country?

* Mr.--we beg his pardon, Sir Richard Philips, Knight, informs us, that he is a follower of the Pythagorean school, and has an utter aversion to all animal food. So had his fellow-disciple Oswald, the most ferocious and bloody agent of the French Revoludoa. So had the Egyptiahs : ...

- animalibus abstinet omnis. Mensa, nefas illic fætum jugulare capellæ ; Carnibus humanis vesci licet !

would

Among the infirinities to which a state is liable, Hobbes reckons the agitations produced by pretenders to political prudence, who though bred for the most part in the lees of the people, yet animated by false doctrines, are perpetually meddling with the fundamental laws to the molestation of the commonwealth, like the little worms which physicians call ascarides'-an odd but congruent similitude ! Of publications similar to the venomous diatribes which these men send abroad, Mr. Burke has truly said that if we estimated the danger by the value of the writings, it would be little worthy of our attention: coutemptible these writings are in every respect. But they are not the cause; they are the disgusting symptoms of a frightful distemper. They are not otherwise of consequence than as they show the evil habits of the bodies from whence they come. In that light the meanest of them is a serious thing. If, however, he adds, I should underrate them, and if the truth is that they are not the result but the cause of the disorders,--surely those who circulate operative poisons are to be censured, watched, and, if possible, repressed. This great statesman has cautioned us also against despising the leaders of factious societies as being too wild to succeed in their undertakings. • Supposing thein wild and absurd,' he says, “is there no danger but from wise and reflecting men? Perhaps the greatest mischiefs that have happened in the world have happened from persons as wild as those we think the wildest. In truth they are the fittest beginners of all great changes.'

This also should be remembered, that men of real talents, when those talents are erroneously or wickedly directed, prepare the way for men of no talents, but of intrepid guilt, and more intrepid ignorance. Marat and Hebert followed in the train of Voltaire and Rousseau ; and Mr. Examiner Hunt does but blow the trumpet to usher in Mr. Orator Hunt in his tandem, with the tri-color Aag before him and his servant in livery behind.

We are assured that many intelligent men',-by which term is meant persons who can see farther than others into a mill-stone, believe that the late attempt at insurrection was planned and directed by Ministers.

In what manner they explain this curious plot has not been clearly stated; whether Lord Sidnouth hired persons to shoot at the Lord Mayor in order to revenge himself upon that magistrate for having ridden in triumph through the streets of Westminster; or whether, as appears more probable

from the subsequent proceedings and correspondence between them, the Lord

Mayor

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Mayor has acted in collusion with Lord Sidmouth, and agreed to be shot at:-Upon this politic speculation, the hand-bills which instructed the mob to break open the gunsmiths shops were printed and circulated by order of Government, and young Watson is no doubt at this time concealed in the Secretary of State's Office. In sad and sober truth such absurdities are gravely advanced,and no absurdities are too gross to be believed by men who are thoroughly possessed with the spirit of faction.

Is it then our opinion that there was a plan for overthrowing the Government by force! It might suffice to reply that those who ordered the flags, that those who circulated the hand-bills, that those who went to the meeting provided with arms, and they who broke open the gunsmiths shops in order to seize arms, as the hand-bills directed—acted as if they thought so, and as if there was. This we infer

"That many things having full reference
To one consent, may work contrariously;
As many arrows loosed several ways
Fly to one mark;
As many several ways meet in one town;

fresh streams run in one self sea;

lines close in the diai's centre; So may a thousand actions once afoot.

End in one purpose.' The circumstances which render the multitude more dangerous and inore apt instruments, for madmen and villains to work with than they ever were in other ages, have been indicated in this Journal on niore than one occasion. We are treading upon gunpowder, and if we suffer the insane or the desperate to scatter fire-brands, it will be but a miserable consolation to know that the explosion by which we perish, will bury them also in the ruin which they produce. It would be a perilous inference, that because the design of overthrowing the British Government would be to the last degree extravagant as well as wicked, therefore no such design can have been formed. Men who are under the influence either of political or religious fanaticism are not to be deterred from their purpose either by reason or remorse. What could be more absurd and at the same time more atrocious than the Gunpowder Plot? There were Papists in that day who spoke of it, some as of an accident, others as an extravagance of juvenile zeal, others as a ministerial plot, just as the anarchists reason at present. But the history of that conspiracy is authenticated beyond all future controversy ;—the mine was made ready, and the train was laid. We had an able and vigilant administration, England has never produced greater statesmen than those who directed her counsels at

that

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