in every eye and beams from every countenance, which stiffens every sinew and throbs in every breast; I have misread it all, if you are not resolved to go home and there maintain, at all hazards and by every sacrifice, the principles, the policy, and the organization of that party to which again, and yet again, I declare unto you, this Government and country are indebted for all that have made them grand, glorious, and great. (Cheers and great applause.) The foregoing speech was received with shouts of applause, sometimes obliging the speaker to wait. In fact, the whole reception of Mr. VALLANDIGHAM, at Columbus, was one of the proudest and most gratifying that could have been given. He arrived from Washington on the 3d, and about midnight, on that evening, a crowd surrounded his hotel, and made it unmistakably evident that a speech must be forthcoming, or there would be no sleep for him or them that night. And, again, on the evening of the 4th, another speech was demanded, and given from the balcony of the hotel-three speeches within twenty hours. Those exhibitions of deep interest and profound admiration, thus given in behalf of Mr. VALLANDIGHAM, were that spontaneous reaction which, sooner or later, was sure to return to the man who, in the hour of his country's most imminent peril, and when surrounded and pressed upon, from every direction, by the most malignant obloquy and reproach, still adhered, with unflinching integrity and firmness, to those great principles of political justice and truth wherein is involved the only hope for our country. This speech was made the subject of a long and complimentary review in the London Times. NUMBER SEVEN. STATE OF THE COUNTRY. SPEECH DELIVERED AT DAYTON, AUGUST 2, 1862. THE reign of terror was at its hight, and the most serious apprehensions were entertained for the personal safety of Mr. VallanDIGHAM, when he announced his determination to address the public in Dayton. A bolder stroke was never made, nor a more fearless exhibition given, of high moral as well as physical courage. At the first intimation of the proposed meeting, a low, ugly growl, like the fretting of hungry but chained tigers, might have been heard in the purlieus of Abolition fanaticism, and those were the places where the edicts of the Abrahamic dynasty were kept, and whence they were issued. It has been said that fanaticism is one of the hounds who, when once they have tasted blood, never bolt their track. But this hound does sometimes bolt his track; at least, he cowers and hides himself, when he sees his prey is too large for his grapple. An exhibition of that sort was given in Dayton, on the 2d of August, 1862. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM had been selected as their next victim by the base minions of a corrupt and desperate Administration. As some blood-thirsty, but cowardly beast of prey watches for his victim, so had they been watching for him, and a good time to pounce upon him had come, if only the pounce could be made without danger to themselves. But as the hour for the meeting approached, the brave and true men of Montgomery and adjacent counties were seen coming in, until fully seven thousand were there. The men who had sworn that VALLANDIGHAM should never again speak in Dayton, very wisely concluded that discretion was better than valor; so gracefully retired behind each other, and kept that position till the speech was over. A few hours before the speaking commenced, the Empire of that day was distributed through the city, and contained a few words of prudent advice, which may have been of some service in bringing those men to the conclusion they came to. After stating the object of the meeting, and alluding to threats of disturbance, the Empire said: Political meetings, like churches, are open alike to saint and to sinner-all who conduct themselves in an orderly manner are invited, and all such are made welcome. We have no apprehension that the threats of a few shoulder-hitters, urged on by those who lack but the courage to do that which they urge others to do, will be carried out. The Democrats present will preserve the peace and the credit of our city, and will tolerate no disturbance of any kind. No affray, no disturbance, will be commenced by them, but they will promptly end all such summarily, and with as little disorder as the nature of the case will admit. This advice was taken, and, without interruption, the speech was delivered to a vast assembly, on the south side of the Court-House. Of this speech, Gov. Medary, republishing it in the Crisis, said: It should be read by every voter in the United States. Nothing equal to it has been made during the past few years. Seldom has it ever been equaled for power, pathos, purity of diction, and truthfulness in point of facts. Elevated in tone, statesmanlike in conception, it thrills the reader as though fresh from a Roman Senate in the hour of Rome's most terrible trials for freedom and existence. It should be read in every school-house, to the assembled people, before the elections, on the second Tuesday of next October. The following report is full in some parts, in others condensed: Mr. VALLANDIGHAM began by an allusion to the fact that he had arranged to be absent from the city, on a visit to an aged and very near relative, but that, meantime, false charges, and rumors also as to intended arrests, were started. My rule, said he, is to always meet such things a little more than half way. Conscious of rectitude, I mean, face to face with every foe and every danger, to do all, and to bear all that may become a man; and, therefore, at much inconvenience, I have postponed my visit, and am here to-night, surrounded by thousands of such constituents and friends as no man ever had. He then referred to the spring election and its result in this city, upon a direct issue against himself, presented to and accepted by his friends-the triumphant election of the whole Democratic city ticket; and observed that the lesson to our enemies was a severe one, and that they ought to learn from it that there was such a thing as abusing a man so persistently, wantonly, and wickedly, as to make him immensely popular.* Mr. V. next gave a full and minute narrative of the infamous conspiracy just exploded, to procure his arrest as "implicated" with two clergymen from the "Border States," who had been guests at his "The City of Dayton repudiates Clement L. Vallandigham."—Dayton Republican Platform. house. Nothing had been found; both of them were promptly released, and the whole plot had failed. But those concerned in it, some of them "Christians," were known, and would be remembered. A telegraphic dispatch had been prepared by one of the conspirators, and sent off to the New York Tribune, from Dayton, though dated at Columbus, announcing his (Mr. V.'s) "arrest;" and it had never been contradicted to this day.* Democrats, said he, have never received any justice at the hand of the telegraph, and never will, till after the 4th of March, 1865, when, with every thing else, it will be in Democratic hands. The Republican party are teaching us many things, and may find us apt scholars, possibly improving on their lessons, if they shall finally succeed in overthrowing all constitution, law, and order. But I trust that it will never come to this. I am for obedience to all laws and constitutions. No man can be a good democrat who is not in favor of law and order. No matter how distasteful constitutions and laws may be, they must be obeyed. I am opposed to all mobs, and opposed also-inexorably opposed above every thing, to all violations of constitution and law by men in authority-public servants. The danger from usurpations and violations by them is fifty-fold greater than from any other quarter, because these violations and usurpations come clothed with the false semblance of authority. Those parts of our constitutions and laws which command or restrain the people must be obeyed; but still more must those also which limit and restrain public servants, from the President down. There are rights of the people, to secure which constitutions were ordained, and they must and will be exacted at all hazards; and among the most sacred of these rights, are free speech, a free press, public assemblages, political liberty, and above all, or at least, at the foundation of all, PERSONAL LIBERTY, or freedom from illegal and arbitrary arrests. It was a right, secured in Greece, while she was free, and in Rome in her purer days. But it is peculiarly an Anglo-Saxon right; and it has cost more struggles in England to hold it fast than any other. The right is declared, in the strongest language, in the GREAT CHARTER, in the time of King John, six hundred years ago. Here is the pledge wrung from the tyrant by men, none of whom could read or write, but who were resolved to be free: "No freeman shall be arrested, or imprisoned, or disseized (of property), or outlawed, or banished, or any ways injured, nor will we pass sentence upon him, nor send trial upon him, UNLESS BY THE LEGAL JUDGMENT OF HIS PEERS, OR BY THE LAW OF THE LAND." This is the "keystone of English liberty," the pride and boast of every Englishman. The violation of it cost one English monarch his head, another his crown, and a third his most valuable colonies; and to-day, if Queen Victoria were to attempt to suspend it by telegraph, or by executive order, or order of privy council in any way, she would be a refugee in a foreign land before a fortnight. *A full account of the infamous transaction here referred to, was published in the Dayton Empire, Aug. 5, 1862. Eighty years later, this sacred and invaluable right to be free from arrest, except by law, was confirmed; and in 1627, by the celebrated Petition of Right, drawn up by that great lawyer, Lord Coke, was again confirmed and extended, as follow: "No man, of what estate or condition that he be, shall be put out of his land, or tenements, nor arrested, nor imprisoned, nor disinherited, nor put to death, without being brought to answer BY DUE PROCESS OF LAW.” And it was further provided that no commissioner should be appointed to try any one by "martial law," who was not in the army, "lest by color of them, any of his Majesty's subjects be destroyed, or put to death, contrary to the laws and franchises of the land." Next came the Habeas Corpus Act of 1679, to secure the rights asserted by the Great Charter and its confirmations, a statute by virtue of which, says Lord Campbell-and with shame I confess now to the justice of the proud boast-" Personal liberty has been more effectually guarded in England than it has in any country in the world." Next after this came the Bill of Rights of 1689, enacted by the profoundest statesmen and purest patriots which England ever had. These great and good men, after that, by arms, they had driven James II from the throne, for his repeated violations of the rights of Englishmen, declared that he had been guilty of an attempt to subvert the laws and liberties of the kingdom, among other things: "1. By assuming and exercising a power of dispensing with and suspending of laws and the execution of laws, without consent of Parliament. "2. By committing and prosecuting divers worthy prelates, for humbly petitioning to be excused from concurring to the said assumed power. "7. By violating the freedom of election of members to serve in Parliament. "All which," say they, "are utterly and directly contrary to the known laws and statutes and freedom of this realm." These, sir, are the "Liberties of Englishmen." They are the Liberties which were brought over by our ancestors from England, and embodied in all our constitutions and laws. In 1641, twenty years after the first settlement of Massachusetts, that infant colony declared, in her "Body of Liberties," that "No man's life shall be taken away, no man's honor or good name shall be stained, no man's person shall be arrested, restrained, banished, dismembered, nor any ways punished, no man shall be deprived of his wife or children, no man's goods or estate shall be taken away from him, nor any way endamaged under color of law or countenance of authority, unless it be by virtue or equity of some express law of the country, warranting the same, etc. "No man's person shall be restrained or imprisoned by any authority whatsoever, before the law hath sentenced him thereto, if he can put in sufficient security, bail, or mainprise," etc. So, also, in the Declaration of Independence, July 4th, 1776, among the many grievances set forth against the king, are the following: "He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power: "For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury: |