which he had sunk, rousing all his pride, and driving him into the arms of new associates, whose talents commanded his respect, and whose instructions molded his political principles, could ever have saved Mr. Fox from the ruin in which he was involved. As it was, years passed away before he gained a complete mastery over this terrible infatuation; and it may here be stated, by way of anticipation, that his friends, at a much later period (1793), finding him involved, from time to time, in the most painful embarrassments from this cause, united in a subscription, with which they purchased him an annuity of £3000 a year, which could not be alienated, and after this testimony of their regard he wholly abstained from gambling. The period at which Mr. Fox now stood was peculiarly favorable to the formation of new and more correct political principles. Hitherto he had none that could be called his own; he had never, probably, reflected an hour on the subject; he had simply carried out those high aristocratic feelings with which he was taught from childhood to look down upon the body of the people. But a change in the policy of Lord North now made America the great object of political interest. Within a few weeks, the Boston Port Bill and its attendant measures were brought forward, designed to starve a town of twenty thousand inhabitants, with the adjoining province, into submission; the charter of that province was violently set aside; a British governor was empowered to send persons three thousand miles across the Atlantic, to be tried in England for supposed offenses in America; and British troops were to be employed in carrying out these acts of violence and outrage. Mr. Fox was naturally one of the most humane of men; He possessed," says Lord Erskine, " above all persons I ever knew, the most gentle and yet the most ardent spirit; he was tremblingly alive to every kind of private wrong or suffering; he had an indignant abhorrence of every species of cruelty, oppression, and injustice." With these feelings, quickened by the resentment which he naturally entertained against Lord North, it could not require much argument from Burke, Dunning, Barré, and the other leaders of the Opposition, into whose society he was now thrown, to make Mr. Fox enter with his whole soul into all their views of these violent, oppressive acts. He came out at once to resist them, and was the first man in the House who took the ground of denying the right of Parliament to tax the colonies without their consent. He affirmed that on this subject, "Just as the House of Commons stands to the House of Lords, so stands America with Great Britain;" neither party having authority to overrule or compel the other. He declared, "There is not an American but must reject and resist the principle and right." He accused Lord North of the most flagrant treachery to his adherents in New England. "You boast," said he, "of having friends there; but, rather than not make the ruin of that devoted country complete, even your friends are to be involved in one common famine!" His Lordship soon found that he had raised up a most formidable antagonist where he had least expected. Mr. Fox now entered into debate, not occasionally, as before, when the whim struck him, but earnestly and systemat ically, on almost every question that came up; and his proficiency may be learned from a letter of Mr. Gibbon (who was then a member of the House and a supporter of the ministry), in which, speaking of a debate on the subject of America (February, 1775), he says: "The principal men both days were Fox and Wedderburne, on opposite sides the latter displayed his usual talents; the former, taking the vast compass of the question before us, discovered powers for regular debate which neither his friends hoped nor his enemies dreaded."-Misc. Works, ii., 21. Mr. Fox's sentiments respecting the treatment of America, though springing, perhaps, at first from humane feelings alone, or opposition to Lord North, involved, as their necessary result, an entire change of his political principles. He was now brought, for the first time, to look at public measures, not on the side of privilege or prerogative, but of the rights and interests of the people. From that moment, all the sympathies of his nature took a new direction, and he went on identifying himself more and more, to the end of life, with the popular part of the Constitution and the cause of free principles throughout the world. It was the test to which he brought every measure it was his object, amid all the conflicts of party and personal interest, in his own expressive language, "to widen the basis of freedom-to infuse and circulate the spirit of liberty." As an orator, especially, he drew from this source the most inspiring strains of his eloquence. No English speaker, not even Lord Chatham himself, dwelt so often on this theme; no one had his generous sensibilities more completely roused; no one felt more strongly the need of a growing infusion of this spirit into the English government, as the great means of its strength and renovation. He urges this in a beautiful passage in his speech on Parliamentary Reform. "because it gives a power of which nothing else in government is capable; because it incorporates every man with the state, and arouses every thing that belongs to the soul as well as the body of man; because it makes every individual feel that he is fighting for himself and not for another; that it is his own cause, his own safety, his own concern, his own dignity on the face of the earth, and his own interest in that identical soil, which he has to maintain. In this principle we find the key to all the wonders which were achieved at Thermopyla: the principle of liberty alone could create those sublime and irresistible emotions; and it is in vain to deny, from the striking illustration that our times have given, that the principle is eternal, and that it belongs to the heart of man." It was happy for Mr. Fox, in coming out so strongly against Lord North at the early age of twenty-five, that he enjoyed the friendship of some of the ablest men in the empire among the Whigs, on whom he could rely with confidence in forming his opinions and conducting his political inquiries. To Mr. Burke he could resort, in common with all the associates of that wonderful man, for every kind of knowledge on almost every subject; and he declared, at the time of their separation from each other in 1791, that "if he were to put all the political information which he had learned from books, all he had gained from science, and all which any knowledge of the world and its affairs had taught him, into one scale, and the improvement which he had derived from his right honorable friend's instruction and conversation were placed in the other, he should be at a loss to decide to which to give the preferMr. Dunning (afterward Lord Ashburton) was another leader among the Whigs, who, though less generally known as an orator from the imperfection of his voice and manner, was one of the keenest opponents in the House of those arbitrary acts into which George III. drove the Duke of Grafton and Lord North; and it can hardly be doubted that he had great influence with Mr. Fox at this time (though they were separated at a later period) in weaning him from his early predilections for the royal prerogative, and inspiring him with those sentiments which the Whigs expressed in their celebrated resolution (drawn up by Mr. Dunning himself), that "the influence of the Crown has increased, is increasing, and OUGHT TO BE DIMIN The reader will be interested in the following beautiful tribute to the memory of Lord Ash burton as an orator, from the pen of Sir William Jones: "His language was always pure, always elegant, and the best words dropped easily from his lips into the best places with a fluency at all times astonishing, and, when he had perfect health, really melodious. That faculty, however, in which no mortal ever surpassed him, and which all found irresistible, was his wit. This relieved the weary, calmed the resentful, and animated the drowsy; this drew smiles even from such as were the objects of it, and scattered flowers over a desert, and, like sunbeams sparkling on a lake, gave spirit and vivacity to the dullest and least interesting cause. Not that his accomplishments as an advocate consisted principally of volubility of speech or liveliness of raillery. He was endued with an intellect sedate yet penetrating, clear yet profound, subtle yet strong. His knowl edge, too, was equal to his imagination, and his memory to his knowledge."- Works, vol. iv, p. 577. 66 The ambition of Mr. Fox was now directed to a single object, that of making himself a powerful debater. A debater, in the distinctive sense of the term, is described by a lively writer, as one who goes out in all weathers"-one who, instead of carrying with him to the House a set speech drawn up beforehand, has that knowledge of general principles, that acquaintance with each subject as it comes up, that ready use of all his faculties, which enables him to meet every question where he finds it to grapple with his antagonist at a moment's warning, and to avail himself of every advantage which springs from a perfect command of all his powers and resources. These qualities are peculiarly necessary in the British House of Commons, because the most important questions are generally decided at a single sitting; and there is no room for that pernicious custom so prevalent in the American Congress, of making interminable speeches to constituents under a semblance of addressing the House. In addition to great native quickness and force of mind, long-continued practice is requisite to make a successful debater. Mr. Fox once remarked to a friend, that he had literally gained his skill "at the expense of the House," for he had sometimes tasked himself, during an entire session, to speak on every question that came up, whether he was interested in it or not, as a means of exercising and training his faculties. He now found it necessary to be intimately acquainted with the history of the Constitution and the political relations of the country; and though he continued for some years to be a votary of pleasure, he had such wonderful activity of mind and force of memory, that he soon gained an amount of information on these topics such as few men in the House possessed, and was able to master every subject in debate with surprising facility and completeness. In all this he thought of but one thing-not language, not imagery, not even the best disposition and sequence of his ideas, but argument: how to put down his antagonist, how to make out his own His love of argument was, perhaps, the most striking trait in his character. Even in conversation (as noticed by a distinguished foreigner who was much in his society), he was not satisfied, like most men, to throw out a remark, and leave it to make its own way, he must prove it, and subject the remarks of others to the same test; so that discussion formed the staple of all his thoughts, and entered to a great extent into all his intercourse with others. With such habits and feelings, he rose, says Mr. Burke, "by slow degrees to be the most brilliant and accomplished debater the world ever saw." There was certainly nothing of envy or disparagement (though charged upon him with great bitterness by Dr. Parr) in Mr. Burke's selecting the term "debater" to express the distinctive character of Mr. Fox. The character is one which gives far more weight and authority to a speaker in Parliament, than the most fervid oratory when unattended by the qualities mentioned above. It was not denied by Mr. Burke, but rather intimated by his use of the word "brilliant," that Mr. Fox did superinduce upon those qualities an ardor and an eloquence by which (as every one knows) he gave them their highest effect. It is emphatically true, also, notwithstanding Dr. Parr's complaint of the expression, that Mr. Fox did rise "by slow degrees" to his eminence as an orator, an eminence of so peculiar a kind that no human genius could ever have attained it in any other way; and it is equally true, that whenever the name of Mr. Fox is mentioned, the first idea which strikes every mind is the one made thus prominent by Mr. Burke-we instantly think of him as " the most brilliant and accomplished debater the world ever saw." So much, indeed, was this the absorbing characteristic of his oratory, that nearly all his faults lay in this direction. He had made himself so completely an intellectual gladiator, that too often he thought of nothing but how to obtain the victory. case. Notwithstanding the irregularities of his private life, to which Mr. Fox still unfortunately clung, he gradually rose as a speaker in Parliament, until, at the end of Lord North's administration, he was the acknowledged leader of the Whig party in the House. In many respects, he was peculiarly qualified for such a station. He had a fine, genial spirit, characteristic of the family, which drew his political friends around him with all the warmth of a personal attachment. He was a man," said Mr. Burke, soon after their separation from each other, "who was made to be loved." His feelings were generous, open, and manly; the gaming-table had not made him, as it does most men, callous or morose; he was remarkably unassuming in his manners, yet frank and ardent in urging his views; he was above every thing like trick or duplicity, and was governed by the impulses of a humane and magnanimous disposition. These things, in connection with his tact and boldness, qualified him preeminently to be the leader of a Whig Opposition; while his rash turn of mind, resulting from the errors of his early training, would operate less to his injury in such a situation, and his very slight regard for political consistency would as yet have no opportunity to be developed. 66 It was with these characteristics, that, at the end of the long struggle which drove Lord North from power, Mr. Fox came into office as Secretary of State under Lord Rockingham, in March, 1782. This administration was terminated in thirteen weeks by the death of his Lordship, and Mr. Fox confidently expected to be made prime minister. But he had now to experience the natural consequences of his reckless spirit and disregard of character. The King would not, for a moment, entertain the idea of placing at the head of affairs a man who, besides his notorious dissipation, had beggared himself by gambling, and was still the slave of this ruinous passion. Nor was he alone in his feelings. Reflecting men of the Whig party, who were out of the circle of Mr. Fox's immediate influence, had long been scandalized by the profligacy of his life. In 1779, Dr. Price, who went beyond him in his devotion to liberal principles, remarked with great severity on his conduct, in a Fast Sermon which was widely circulated in print. Can you imagine," said he, "that a spendthrift in his own concerns will make an economist in managing the concerns of others? that a wild gamester will take due care of the state of a kingdom? Treachery, vanity, and corruption must be the effects of dissipation, voluptuousness, and impiety. These sap the foundations of virtue; they render men necessitous and supple, ready at any time to fly to a court in order to repair a shattered fortune and procure supplies for prodigality." In addition to this, Mr. Fox had made himself personally obnoxious to George III., by another exhibition of his rashness. He had treated him with great indignity in his speeches on the American war, pointing directly to his supposed feelings and determinations in a manner forbidden by the theory of the Constitution, and plainly implying that he was governed by passions unbecoming his station as a King, and disgraceful to his character as a man. It is difficult to understand how Mr. Fox could allow himself in such language (whatever may have been his private convictions), if he hoped ever to be made minister; and it was certainly to be expected, for these reasons as well as those mentioned above, that the King would never place him at the head of the government while he could find other man who was competent to fill the station. He accordingly made Lord Shelburne prime minister early in July, 1782, and Mr. Fox instantly resigned. any This step led to another which was the great misfortune of his life. Parties were so singularly balanced at the opening of the next Parliament, in December, 1782, that neither the minister nor any of his opponents had the command of the House. According to an estimate made by Gibbon, Lord Shelburne had one hundred and forty adherents, Lord North one hundred and twenty, and Mr. Fox ninety, leaving a considerable number who were unattached. Early in February, 1783, a report crept abroad, that a coalition was on the tapis between Mr. Fox and Lord North. The story was at first treated as an idle tale. A coalition of some kind was indeed expected, because the government could not be administered without an amalgamation him as of parties; but that Mr. Fox could ever unite with Lord North, after their bitter animosities and the glaring contrast of their principles on almost every question in politics, seemed utterly incredible. There was nothing of a personal nature to prevent an arrangement between Lord Shelburne and Lord North; but Mr. Fox had for years assailed his opponent in such language as seemed forever to cut them off from any intercourse as men, or any union of their interests as politicians. He had denounced "the most infamous of mankind," as "the greatest criminal of the state, whose blood must expiate the calamities he had brought upon his country;" and, as if with the express design of making it impossible for him to enter into such an alliance, he had, only eleven months before, said of Lord North and his whole ministry in the House of Commons: "From the moment I should make any terms with one of them, I would rest satisfied to be called the most infamous of mankind. I could not for an instant think of a coalition with men who, in every public and private transaction as ministers, have shown themselves void of every principle of honor and honesty in the hands of such men I would not trust my honor even for a minute." Still, rumors of a coalition became more and more prevalent, until, on the 17th of February, 1783, says Mr. Wilberforce, in relating the progress of events, "When I reached the House, I inquired,' Are the intentions of Lord North and Fox sufficiently known to be condemned?' 'Yes,' said Henry Banks, and the more strongly the better.'" The debate was on Lord Shelburne's treaty of peace with America; and every eye was turned to the slightest movements of the ex-minister and his old antagonist, until, at a late hour of the evening, Lord North came down from the gallery where he had been sitting, and took his place by Mr. Fox. His Lordship then arose, and attacked the treaty with great dexterity and force, as bringing disgrace upon the country by the concessions it made. Mr. Fox followed in the same strain, adding, in reference to himself and Lord North, that all causes of difference between them had ceased with the American war. The Coalition was now complete! The debate continued until nearly eight o'clock the next morning, when Lord Shelburne was defeated by a majority of sixteen votes, and was compelled soon after to resign. Next came the Coalition Ministry. To this the King submitted with the utmost reluctance, after laboring in vain first to persuade Mr. Pitt to undertake the government, and then to obtain, as a personal favor from Lord North, the exclusion of Mr. Fox. So strong were the feelings of his Majesty, that he hesitated and delayed for six weeks, until, driven by repeated addresses from the House, he was compelled to yield; and this ill-fated combination came into power on the 2d of April, 1783, with the Duke of Portland as its head, and Mr. Fox and Lord North as principal secretaries of state. "The occurrence of this coalition," says Mr. Cooke, one of Mr. Fox's warmest admirers, "is greatly to be deplored, as an example to men who, without any of the power, may nevertheless feel inclined to imitate the errors of Fox. It is to be deplored as a blot on the character of a great man, as a precedent which strikes at the foundation of political morality, and as a weapon in the hands of those who would destroy all confidence in the honesty of public men." The laxity of principle which it shows in Mr. Fox may be traced to the errors of his early education. It was the re sult of the pernicious habit in which he was trained of gratifying every desire without the least regard to consequences, and the still more pernicious maxims taught him by his father" that brilliant talents would atone for every kind of delinquency, and that in politics, especially, any thing would be pardoned to a man of great designs and splendid abilities." Certain it is that Mr. Fox could never understand why he was condemned so severely for his union with Lord North. As an opponent, he had spoken of him, indeed, in rash and bitter terms, but never with a malignant spirit, for nothing 3 Age of Pitt and Fox, vol. i., 145. • Fox's Speeches, vol. ii., 39. |