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hundreds, armed with rifles, clad in hunting-shirts, and shouting and threatening in all the license which association for an evil purpose confers upon the vio lent, when they feel sure of impunity from their own numbers, and from the sympathy or indecision of those among the public who have neither courage to resist nor boldness openly to countenance.

In this crisis the influence of Franklin was eminently serviceable. Under his direction a military association was organized, and nearly a thousand citizens, including many young members of the Society of Friends, enrolled themselves. The barracks were further strengthened by intrenchments, and the friends of order and of mercy were resolved to defend to the last the poor Indians who had thrown themselves upon Philadelphia for protection. The insurgents, in view of these formidable preparations, paused. Advantage was taken of their hesitation to send a committee, one of whom was Dr. Franklin, to meet and confer with the rioters. As they alleged that the Indians had been guilty of outrages which they were in arms to avenge, it was proposed to the leaders to come in and identify the offenders for trial and punishment. Some of the principal of the rioters accordingly visited the barracks with Dr. Franklin, but could identify none of the Indians as those of whom they professed to be in search. They saw, moreover, what a reception was in preparation for them if they persisted, and, affecting to be satisfied that those they sought were not among the Indians in the barracks, returned to

their companions, and the formidable danger passed over, the insurgents departing for their homes.

The address of Dr. Franklin, remarkable in the mode in which he managed this conference, is no less observable in a "Narrative" which he drew up "of the Late Massacres in Lancaster County, by persons unknown." Through the whole paper, though the murders are described with most simple yet touching pathos, and though the unknown murderers are denounced with righteous indignation, there is a careful avoidance of any thing like an attempt to fix the crime on particular persons. To answer such an appeal was to identify the answerer with the murderers in feeling; to take umbrage at it was to confess participation. This pamphlet is further remarkable for its indignant expostulations, rising often into elevated and eloquent language, being more like a popular harangue than was Franklin's wont. But it bears, notwithstanding, all the impress of his mind in its calm reasoning, perspicuous statement of facts, and judicious citation of instances and examples.

The insurgent party memorialized the governor in behalf of the frontier settlers. In this address was displayed much talent and ingenuity; and the distresses which the frontiers had suffered from the Indians, the instances of whole defenseless families murdered by them, and other tragic events and particulars, were displayed to enlist the popular feeling, while professing to address the government. Another memorial from fifteen hundred persons, not identified so closely as the others with the rioters,

was sent to the Assembly. The press teemed with publications defending the conduct of the Paxton Boys; and the Bible even was wrested to make the course they had taken appear laudable rather than reprehensible. The Indians were classed as heathen, and the command to the children of Israel to destroy the idolaters in Canaan was cited as binding upon the colonists in America. Thirty years before, certain frontier settlers had attempted by force to dispossess the Indians of lands which had been guaranteed to them by treaty, alleging, as stated by James Logan (quoted by Watson), "that it was against the laws of God and nature that so much land should be idle while so many Christians wanted it to labor on." With envy and covetousness for interpreters, the unlearned and unstable do indeed "wrest the Scriptures to their own destruction."

In no part of his life did Franklin rise so superior to his habitual deference to expediency, and in none did he show more moral courage and firmness than at this crisis. The fact that the government found itself too weak to prosecute this heinous offense, and that thus the factious were allowed a virtual triumph, is evidence sufficient of the strength of the faction which Franklin so boldly opposed. But, as mentioned in his letter to Lord Kames, a stronger popular rebuke was in preparation for him, to be followed, however, by a signal triumph.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE necessary preparations for defense against the Indians had not been carried in the Assembly without a revival of the old disputes between the proprietaries and the representatives of the people. A militia bill had been lost because the governor would not sign it without amendments giving him the sole appointment of officers, trebling the fines, and making all offenses punishable by sentence of courts martial, thus putting almost absolute power into the hands of the proprietary governor. In its original features the bill conceded quite enough to that functionary; in its amended shape it was intolerable. Franklin was conspicuous in his opposition in the House, and appeared, also, before the public with one of his plain and convincing papers upon the subject. The act providing for the raising of money to defend the colony had been passed only by a sacrifice of the principle which Franklin had so successfully defended in England, to wit, that the estates of the proprietaries should be liable to the same taxation with other property. Governor John Penn gave his own construction to the following clause of the decision of the king in council: "The located uncultivated lands of the proprietaries shall not be assessed higher than the lowest rate at which any located uncultivated lands belonging to the inhabi

tants shall be assessed." Governor Penn determined this to mean that the best land of the proprietaries should not be taxed higher than the poorest belonging to the people. The Assembly, on the other hand, contended that the decision meant that the proprietaries' land should be taxed no higher than the lowest rate at which land of the same quality belonging to the people was assessed. Meanwhile the emergency was pressing. The Indians were invading the borders; the public mind was in the highest state of excitement and exasperation; and the Assembly was compelled to yield to the ungenerous advantage which Governor Penn took of the public danger. The act was passed, with the objectiona ble feature of discrimination between the Penn domains and the property of the citizens.

But the patience of the Assembly was exhausted. They passed a series of resolutions detailing their difficulties with the "proprietors' deputy, or governor," as Franklin liked to term that officer, and expressing their belief that harmony could not be restored until the government of the province was vested directly in the crown. Not caring hastily to assume the responsibility of such an act as a petition to the crown, praying the desired change, they adjourned for the purpose of advising with their constituents. After seven weeks' recess, they reassembled, on the 14th of May, 1764, and brought with them petitions signed by three thousand of their fellow-citizens, praying the king to assume the ment of the province.

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