our object to see how we may assist and extend our commerce. This evasion of the force of the statement, or rather this indirect admission of its authority, establishes it. It will not be pretended, that it has been shaken during the debate.

It has been made to appear, beyond contradiction, that the British market for our exports, taken in the aggregate, is a good one; that it is better than the French, and better than any we have, and for many of our products the only one.

The whole amount of our exports to the British dominions, in the year ending the 30th September, 1790, was nine million, two hundred and forty-six thousand, six hundred and six dollars.

But it will be more simple and satisfactory to confine the inquiry to the articles following: bread stuff, tobacco, rice, wood, the produce of the fisheries, fish oil, pot and pearl ash, salted meats, indigo, live animals, flax seed, naval stores and iron.

The amount of the beforementioned articles, exported in that same year to the British dominions, was eight million, four hundred and fifty-seven thousand, one hundred and seventy-three dollars.

We have heard so much of restriction of inimical and jealous prohibitions to cramp our trade, it is natural to scrutinize the British system, with the expectation of finding little besides the effects of her selfish and angry policy.

Yet of the great sum of nearly eight millions and a half, the amount of the products beforementioned sold in her markets, two articles only are dutied by way of restriction. Bread stuff is dutied so high in the market of Great Britain as, in times of plenty, to exclude it, and this is done from the desire to favor her own farmers. The mover of the resolutions justified the exclusion of our bread stuff from the French West Indies by their permanent regulations, because, he said, they were bound to prefer their own products to those even of the United States. It would seem that the

same apology would do for England, in her home market. But what will do for the vindication of one nation becomes invective against another. The criminal nation, however, receives our bread stuff in the West Indies free, and excludes other foreign, so as to give our producers the monopoly of the supply. This is no merit in the judgment of the mover of the resolutions, because it is a fragment of her old colony system. Notwithstanding the nature of the duties on bread stuff in Great Britain, it has been clearly shown, that she is a better customer for that article, in Europe, than her neighbor, France. The latter, in ordinary times, is a poor customer for bread stuff, for the same reason that our own country is, because she produces it herself, and therefore France permits it to be imported, and the United States do the like. Great Britain often wants the article, and then she receives it; no country can be expected to buy what it does not want. The bread stuff sold in the European dominions of Britain, in the year 1790, amounted to one million, eighty-seven thousand, eight hundred and forty dollars.

Whale oil pays the heavy duty of eighteen pounds three shillings sterling per ton; yet spermaceti oil found a market there to the value of eighty-one thousand and forty-eight dollars.

Thus it appears, that of eight millions and a half, sold to Great Britain and her dominions, only the value of one million, one hundred and sixty-eight thousand dollars was under duty of a restrictive nature. The bread stuff is hardly to be considered as within the description; yet, to give the argument its full force, what is it? about one eighth part is restricted. To proceed with the residue :

Indigo to the amount of

Live animals to the West Indies
Flax-seed to Great Britain

$473,830

62,415

219,924

Total, $756,169

These articles are received, duty free, which is a good foot to the trade. Yet we find, good as it is, the bulk of our exports is received on even better terms:

Flour to the British West Indies
Grain

Free-while other foreign flour and grain are prohibited.
Tobacco to Great Britain

$858,006 273,505

2,754,493

Ditto to the West Indies

22,816

One shilling and three pence sterling, duty; three shil

lings and six pence on other foreign tobacco.

In the West Indies, other foreign tobacco is prohibited.
Rice to Great Britain

773,852

Seven shillings and four pence per cwt. duty; eight

Free-two shillings and three pence on other foreign,

Thus it appears, that nearly seven eighths of the exports to the British dominions are received on terms of positive favor. Foreigners, our rivals in the sale of these articles, are either absolutely shut out of their market by prohibitions, or discouraged in their competition with us by higher duties. There is some restriction, it is admitted, but there is, to balance it, a large amount received duty free; and a half goes to the account of privilege and favor. This is better than she treats any other foreign nation. It is better, indeed, than she treats her own subjects, because they

are by this means deprived of a free and open market. It is better than our footing with any nation, with whom we have treaties. It has been demonstratively shown, that it is better than the footing on which France receives either the like articles, or the aggregate of our products. The best proof in the world is, that they are not sent to France. The merchants will find out the best market sooner than we shall.

The footing of our exports, under the British system, is better than that of their exports to the United States, under our system. Nay, it is better than the freedom of commerce, which is one of the visions for which our solid prosperity is to be hazarded; for, suppose we could batter down her system of prohibitions and restrictions, it would be gaining a loss; one eighth is restricted, and more than six eighths have restrictions in their favor. It is as plain as figures can make it, that, if a state of freedom for our exports is at par, the present system raises them, in point of privilege, above par. To suppose that we can terrify them by these resolutions, to abolish their restrictions, and at the same time to maintain in our favor their duties, to exclude other foreigners from their market, is too absurd to be refuted.

We have heard, that the market of France is the great centre of our interests; we are to look to her, and not to England, for advantages, being, as the style of theory is, our best customer and best friend, showing to our trade particular favor and privilege; while England manifests in her system such narrow and selfish views. It is strange to remark such a pointed refutation of assertions and opinions by facts. The amount sent to France herself is very trivial. Either our merchants are ignorant of the best markets, or those which they prefer are the best; and if the English markets, in spite of the alleged ill usage, are still preferred to the French, it is a proof of the superior advantages of the former over the latter. The arguments I have adverted to, oblige those who urge

them to make a greater difference in favor of the English than the true state of facts will warrant. Indeed, if they persist in their arguments, they are bound to deny their own conclusions. They are bound to admit this position: if France receives little of such of our products as Great Britain takes on terms of privilege and favor, because of that favor, it allows the value of that favored footing. If France takes little of our articles, because she does not want them, it shows the absurdity of looking to her as the best

customer.

It may be said, and truly, that Great Britain regards only her own interest in these arguments; so much the better. If it is her interest to afford to our commerce more encouragement than France gives: if she does this, when she is inveterate against us, as it is alleged, and when we are indulging an avowed hatred towards her, and partiality towards France, it shows that we have very solid ground to rely on. Her interest is, according to this statement, stronger than our passions, stronger than her own, and is the more to be depended on, as it cannot be put to any more trying experiment in future. The good will and friendship of nations are hollow foundations to build our systems upon. Mutual interest is a bottom of rock: the fervor of transient sentiments is not better than straw or stubble. Some gentlemen have lamented this distrust of any relation between nations, except an interested one; but the substitution of any other principle could produce little else than the hypocrisy of sentiment, and an instability of affairs. It would be relying on what is not stable, instead of what is: it would introduce into politics the jargon of romance. It is in this sense, and this only, that the word favor is used: a state of things, so arranged as to produce our profit and advantage, though intended by Great Britain merely for her own. The disposition of a nation is immaterial; the fact, that we profit by their system, cannot be so to this discussion.