6th. We would deplore any servile insurrection, both on account of the calamities which would attend it, and on account of the occasion which it might furnish of increased severity and oppression.

7th. We are charged with sending incendiary publications to the South. If by the term incendiary is meant publications containing arguments and facts to prove slavery to be a moral and political evil, and that duty and policy require its immediate abolition, the charge is true. But if this term is used to imply publications encouraging insurrection, and designed to excite the slaves to break their fetters, the charge is utterly and unequivocally false.

8th. We are accused of sending our publications to the slaves, and it is asserted that their tendency is to excite insurrections. Both the charges are false. These publications are not intended for the slaves, and were they able to read them they would find in them no encouragement to insurrection.

9th. We are accused of employing agents in the slave states to distribute our publications. We have never had one such agent. We have sent no pack. ages of our papers to any person in those States for distribution, except to five respectable resident citizens, at their own request. But we have sent, by mail, single papers addressed to public officers, edi tors of newspapers, clergymen and others. If, therefore, cur object is to excite the slaves to insurrection, the MASTERS are our agents!

10th. We believe slavery to be sinful, injurious to this and every other country in which it prevails; we believe immediate emancipation to be the duty of every slaveholder, and that the immediate aboli.

tion of slavery, by those who have the right to abol. ish it, would be safe and wise. These opinions we have freely expressed, and we certainly have no intention to refrain from expressing them in future, and urging them upon the conscience and hearts of our fellow-citizens who hold slaves or apologize for slavery.

11th. We believe that the education of the poor is required by duty, by and a regard for the permanency of our republican institutions. There are thousands and tens of thousands of our fellow-citizens, even in the free states, sunk in abject poverty, and who on account of their complexion, are virtually kept in ignorance, and whose instruction in certain cases is actually pronounced by law! We are anxious to

protect the rights and to promote the virtue and happiness of the colored portion of our population, and on this account we have been charged with a design to encourage inter-marriage between the whites and blacks. This charge has been repeatedly, and is again denied, while we repeat that the tendency of our sentiments is to put an end to the criminal amalgamation that prevails wherever slavery exists.

12th. We are accused of acts that tend to a dissolution of the Union, and even of wishing to dissolve it. We have never "calculated the value of the Union," because we believe it to be inestimable; and that the abolition of slavery will remove the chief danger of its dissolution; and one of the many reasons why we cherish and will endeavor to preserve the Constitution is, that it restrains Congress from making any law abridging the freedom of speech or of the press.”

Such, fellow-citizens, are our principles.-Are they unworthy of republicans and of Christians?Ex. Com. of the A. An. Slavery Society New York, Sept. 5, 1835.

Objects.

The object of this Society is the entire abolition of slavery in the United States. While it admits that each state in which slavery exists, has, by the Constitution of the United States, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to its abolition in said state, it shall aim to convince all our fellow-citizens, by ar. guments addressed to their understandings and consciences, that slaveholding is a heinous crime in the sight of God, and that the duty, safety, and best inter, ests of all concerned, require its immediate abandonment, without expatriation. The Society will also endeavor, in a constitutional way, to influence Congress to put an end to the domestic slave trade, and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country which come under its control, especially in the District of Columbia, and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any state that may be hereafter admitted to the Union.-Constitution of the A. An. Slavery Society, Art. ii.

This Society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral and religious improvement, and by removing public prejudice, that thus they may, according to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with the whites, of civil and religious privileges; but this Society will never, in any way, countenance the oppressed in vindicating

their rights by resorting to physical force.-1b. Art. iii.

Measures.

1. To treat all men as men,--as immortal beings made in the image of the glorious God.

2. To pray for the enslavers and the enslaved. 3. To obtain and spread light upon the sin and evils of American slavery, by open, free, Christianlike discussion-by speaking the truth in love for all persons, and on all occasions.

CHAPTER XIX.

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

The following are all those parts of the Constitution of the United States, which have been supposed, in any way to relate to the subject of slavery, or which can be consistently brought to bear upon it.

ART. I. Sec. 2. Third clause." Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons.'

Sec. 8. Among the enumerated powers of Congress is the following, which gives it full authority to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, viz :— "The Congress shall have power to exercise exclu

sive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States."

A similar power also extends to the territories, as appears from Art. IV. Sec. 3.-"The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory and other property belonging to the United States," &c.

Art. IV. Sec. 2. Third clause." No person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.'

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The case of a fugitive from slavery in the United States differs, from a fugitive from justice, in this respect that the latter is to be delivered up on de. mand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime;"—there he is to be tried, on principles of law and evidence common to all the states. But a person may be claimed as a fugitive slave, no trial whatever, after removal, being contemplated, or possible. It is therefore, evident that the states cannot protect their own citizens, unless the claimants of fugitive slaves are compelled to substantiate their claims before a jury by due process of law. But Congress has thought fit to legislate on this subject, and to yield to the claimant any person he may please to arrest as property, provided proof