GREAT BRITAIN is supposed to have been placed upon the globe; but the COLONIES, (that is, her limbs,) being severed from her, she is seen lifting her eyes and mangled stumps to heaven: her shield, which she is unable to wield, lies useless by her side; her lance has pierced New England: the laurel branch has fallen from the hand of Pennsylvania: the English oak has lost its head, and stands a bare trunk, with a few withered branches; briars and thorns are on the ground beneath it; the British ships have brooms at their topmast heads, denoting their being on sale; and BRITANNIA herself is seen sliding off the world, (no longer able to hold its balance,) her fragments overspread with the label, DATE OBOLUM BELLISARIO.

THE MORAL.

History affords us many instances of the ruin of states, by the prosecution of measures ill suited to the temper and genius of their people. The ordaining of laws in favour of one part of the nation, to the prejudice and oppression of another, is certainly the most erroneous and mistaken policy. An equal dispensation of protection, rights, privileges, and advantages, is what every part is entitled to, and ought to enjoy; it being a matter of no moment to the state, whether a subject grows rich and flourishing on the Thames or the Ohio, in Edinburgh or Dublin. These measures never fail to create great and violent jealousies and animosities between the people favoured and the people oppressed: whence a total separation of affections, interests, political obligations, and all manner of connexions, necessarily ensue, by which the whole state is weakened, and perhaps ruined for ever!

England, by the secretary of congress, Charles Thomson, under cover to Dr. Franklin. The proceedings thereon, as a document of great interest, will be inserted in another part of this edition, and will be circumstantially noticed in the progress of these memoirs.

with regard to the misunderstandings between Great Britain and America.

66

During the recess of the last parliament, which had passed the severe acts against the province of the Massachusetts Bay, the minority having been sensible of their weakness Dr. Franklin, at this momentous period, was as an effect of their want of union among unceasing in his endeavours to induce the themselves, began to think seriously of a coBritish government to change its measures alition. For they saw in the violence of these with respect to the colonies. In private con- American measures, if persisted in, a hazard versations, in letters to persons connected of dismembering, weakening, and perhaps ruinwith government, and in writings in the pub-ing the British empire. This inclined some lic prints, he continually expatiated upon the of them to propose such an union with each impolicy and injustice of its conduct towards other, as might be more respectable in the America; and stated, in the most energetic ensuing session, have more weight in opposimanner, that notwithstanding the sincere at- tion, and be a body out of which a new ministachment of the colonists to the mother coun- try might easily be formed, should the ill suctry, a continuance of ill treatment must ulti-cess of the late measures, and the firmness of mately alienate their affections. The minis- the colonies in resisting them, make a change ters listened not to his advice, and solemn appear necessary to the king. warnings; they blindly persevered in their own schemes, and left to the Americans no alternative but opposition, or unconditional submission. The latter accorded not with the principles of freedom which they had been taught to revere; to the former they were compelled, though reluctantly, to have re

course.

Dr. Franklin, thus finding all his efforts to restore harmony between Great Britain and her colonies ineffectual; and being looked upon by government with a jealous eye, who, it was said, entertained some thoughts of arresting him, under the pretence of his having fomented a rebellion in the colonies, (of which he received private intimation,) determined on immediately returning to America, and to this effect embarked from England in March, 1775.

During the passage, he committed to paper a statement of his efforts to effect a reconciliation, and prevent a breach between Great Britain and her colonies. This was a narration of the negotiations he had been concerned in, to bring about so desirable an object. Like the first part of these memoirs, it was addressed to his son, governor Franklin; and intended, no doubt, to be incorporated in them, had he lived to proceed so far in his history. It forms a complement to his political transactions while in England, justifies his character, and is a document of no mean interest in the annals of the American revolution.

“On board the Pennsylvania Packet, Capt. Osborne, bound to Philadelphia, March 22, 1775.

"DEAR SON,-Having now a little leisure for writing, I will endeavour, as I promised you, to recollect what particulars I can of the negotiations I have lately been concerned in, VOL. I.... O

"I took some pains to promote this disposition, in conversation with several of the principal among the minority of both houses, whom I besought and conjured most earnestly, not to suffer, by their little misunderstandings, so glorious a fabric as the present British empire to be demolished by these blunderers; and for their encouragement assured them, as far as my opinions could give any assurance, of the firmness and unanimity of America, the continuance of which was what they had frequent doubts of, and appeared extremely apprehensive and anxious concerning it.

"From the time of the affront given me at the council board in January, 1774, I had never attended the levee of any minister. I made no justification of myself from the charges brought against me: I made no return of the injury by abusing my adversaries; but held a cool sullen silence, reserving myself to some future opportunity; for which conduct I had several reasons, not necessary here to specify. Now and then I heard it said, that the reasonable part of the administration was ashamed of the treatment they had given me. I suspected, that some who told me this, did it to draw from me my sentiments concerning it, and perhaps my purposes; but I said little or nothing upon the subject. In the mean time, their measures with regard to New England failing of the success that had been confidently expected, and finding themselves more and more embarrassed, they began (as it seems) to think of making use of me, if they could, to assist in disengaging them. But it was too humiliating to think of applying to me openly and directly, and therefore it was contrived to obtain what they could of my sentiments through others.

"The accounts from America, during the recess, all manifested, that the measures of administration had neither divided nor intimidated the people there; that on the contrary

they were more and more united and determined; and that a non-importation agreement was likely to take place. The ministry thence apprehending that this, by distressing the trading and manufacturing towns, might influence votes against the court in the elections for a new parliament, (which were in course to come on the succeeding year,) suddenly and unexpectedly dissolved the old one, and ordered the choice of a new one within the shortest time admitted by law, before the inconveniencies of that agreement could begin to be felt, or produce any such effect.

which he said he was pleased to hear from me, as he was sensible I must be well acquainted with them. I then took occasion to remark to him, that in former cases great empires had crumbled first at their extremities, from this cause-that countries remote from the seat and eye of government, which therefore could not well understand their affairs, for want of full and true information, had never been well governed, but had been oppressed by bad governors, on presumption that complaint was difficult to be made and supported against them at such a distance: hence, such governors had been encouraged to go on, till their oppressions became intolerable: but that this empire had happily found and long been in the practice of a method, whereby every province was well governed, being trusted in a great measure with the government of itself, that hence had risen such satisfaction in the subjects, and such encouragement to new settlements, that had it not been for the late wrong politics, (which would have parliament to be omnipotent, though it ought not to be, unless it could at the same time be omniscient,) we might have gone on extending our western empire, adding province to province as far as the South Sea: that I lamented the ruin which seemed impending over so fine a plan, so well adapt

"When I came to England in 1757, you may remember I made several attempts to be introduced to lord Chatham, (at that time first minister) on account of my Pennsylvania business, but without success. He was then too great a man, or too much occupied in affairs of greater moment. I was therefore obliged to content myself with a kind of nonapparent and unacknowledged communication through Mr. Potter and Mr. Wood, his secretaries, who seemed to cultivate an acquaintance with me by their civilities, and drew from me what information I could give relative to the American war, with my sentiments occasionally on measures that were proposed or advised by others, which gave me the opportunity of recommending and enforcing the utility of conquering Canada. Ied to make all the subjects of the greatest afterwards considered Mr. Pitt as an inaccessible; I admired him at a distance, and made no more attempts for a nearer acquaintance. I had only once or twice the satisfaction of hearing, through lord Shelburne, and I think lord Stanhope, that he did me the honour of mentioning me sometimes as a person of respectable character.

"But towards the end of August last, returning from Brighthelmstone, I called to visit my friend Mr. Sargent, at his seat, Halsted, in Kent, agreeably to a former engagement. He let me know, that he had promised to conduct me to lord Stanhope's at Chevening, who expected I would call on him when I came into that neighbourhood. We accordingly waited on lord Stanhope that evening, who told me that lord Chatham desired to see me, and that Mr. Sargent's house, where I was to lodge, being in the way, he would call for me there the next morning, and carry me to Hayes. This was done accordingly. That truly great man received me with abundance of civility, inquired particularly into the situation of affairs in America, spoke feelingly of the severity of the late laws against the Massachusetts, gave me some account of his speech in opposing them, and expressed great regard and esteem for the people of that country, who he hoped would continue firm and united in defending, by all peaceable and legal means, their constitutional rights. I assured him, that I made no doubt they would do so;

empire happy; and I hoped, that if his lordship, with the other great and wise men of the British nation, would unite and exert themselves, it might yet be rescued out of the mangling hands of the present set of blundering ministers; and that the union and harmony between Britain and her colonies, so necessary to the welfare of both, might be restored. He replied with great politeness, that my idea of extending our empire in that manner was a sound one, worthy of a great, benevolent, and comprehensive mind: he wished with me for a good understanding among the different parts of the opposition here, as a means of restoring the ancient harmony of the two countries, which he most earnestly desired; but he spoke of the coalition of our domestic parties as attended with difficulty, and rather to be desired than expected: he mentioned an opinion prevailing here, that America aimed at setting up for itself as an independent state; or, at least, to get rid of the navigation acts.-I assured him, that having more than once travelled almost from one end of the continent to the other, and kept a great variety of company, eating, drinking, and conversing with them freely, I never had heard in any conversation from any person, drunk or sober, the least expression of a wish for a separation, or a hint that such a thing would be advantageous to America: and as to the navigation act, the main material part of it, that of carrying on trade in

British or plantation bottoms, excluding | have any connection with this new acquaintforeign ships from our ports, and navigating ance. with three quarters British seamen, was as acceptable to us as it could be to Britain: that we were even not against regulations of the general commerce by parliament, provided such regulations were bona fide for the benefit of the whole empire, not for the small advantage of one part to the great injury of another, such as the obliging our ships to call in England with our wine and fruit, from Portugal or Spain; the restraints on our manufactures, in the woollen and hat-making branches, the prohibiting of slitting-mills, steel-works, &c. He allowed that some amendment might be made in those acts; but said those relating to the slitting-mills, trip-hammers, and steelworks, were agreed to by our agents in a compromise on the opposition made here to abating the duty.

"On the Thursday preceding this chess party, Mr. David Barclay called on me, to have some discourse concerning the meeting of merchants to petition parliament. When that was over, he spoke of the dangerous situation of American affairs, the hazard that a civil war might be brought on by the present measures, and the great merit that person would have who could contrive some means of preventing so terrible a calamity, and bring about a reconciliation. He was then pleased to add, that he was persuaded, from my knowledge of both countries, my character and influence in one of them, and my abilities in business, no man had it so much in his power as myself. I naturally answered, that I should be very happy if I could in any degree be instrumental in so "In fine, he expressed much satisfaction in good a work, but that I saw no prospect of my having called upon him, and particularly it; for, though I was sure the Americans in the assurances I had given him, that were always willing and ready to agree upon America did not aim at independence; add- any equitable terms, yet I thought an accoming, that he should be glad to see me again modation impracticable, unless both sides as often as might be. I said, I should not wished it; and by what I could judge from fail to avail myself of the permission he was the proceedings of the ministry, I did not bepleased to give me, of waiting upon his lord-lieve they had the least disposition towards ship occasionally, being very sensible of the honour, and of the great advantages and improvement I should reap from his instructive conversation; which indeed was not a mere compliment.

"The new parliament was to meet the 29th of November, (1774.) About the beginning of that month, being at the Royal Society, Mr. Raper, one of our members, told me there was a certain lady who had a desire of playing with me at chess, fancying she could beat me, and had requested him to bring me to her: it was, he said, a lady with whose acquaintance he was sure I should be pleased, a sister of lord Howe's, and he hoped I would not refuse the challenge. I said, I had been long out of practice, but would wait upon the lady when he and she should think fit. He told me where her house was, and would have me call soon and without further introduction, which I undertook to do; but thinking it a little awkward, I postponed it; and on the 30th, meeting him again at the feast of the society election, being the day after the parliament met, he put me in mind of my promise, and that I had not kept it, and would have me name a day, when he said he would call for me and conduct me. I named the Friday following. He called accordingly: I went with him, played a few games with the lady, whom I found of very sensible conversation and pleasing behaviour, which induced me to agree most readily to an appointment for another meeting a few days afterwards: though I had not the least apprehension that any political business could

it; that they rather wished to provoke the North American people into an open rebellion, which might justify a military execution, and thereby gratify a grounded malice which I conceived to exist here against the whigs and dissenters of that country. Mr. Barclay apprehended I judged too hardly of the ministers; he was persuaded they were not all of that temper, and he fancied they would be very glad to get out of their present embarrassment on any terms, only saving the honour and dignity of government. He wished, therefore, that I would think of the matter, and he would call again and converse with me further upon it. I said I would do so, as he requested it, but I had no opinion of its answering any purpose. We parted upon this. But two days after I received a letter from him, inclosed in a note from Dr. Fothergill, both which follow.

"YOUNGSBURY, near Ware, 3d 12 mo. 1774. "ESTEEMED FRIEND,-After we parted on Thursday last, I accidentally met our mutual friend Dr. Fothergill, in my way home, and intimated to him the subject of our discourse; in consequence of which, I received from him an invitation to a further conference on this momentous affair, and I intend to be in town to-morrow accordingly, to meet at his house between four and five o'clock; and we unite in the request of thy company. We are neither of us insensible, that the affair is of that magnitude as should almost deter private

persons from meddling with it; at the same and that as he had with pleasure heard from time we are respectively such well-wishers to the cause, that nothing in our power ought to be left undone, though the utmost of our efforts may be unavailable. I am thy respectful friend, DAVID BARCLAY. "Dr. Franklin, Craven street."