Every objection to his conduct was answer "We truth, and honour, in ill-grounded invectives to prevent the effects of the most deliberate against Dr. Franklin. That truly great and and rancorous malice that had ever been good man beheld the childish tricks with exerted against an innocent and praiseworthy thorough compassion; resolved himself not to man. break in upon the proper decorum of public business; as he had not come there to squab-ed at the time, and generally well answered; ble with Mr. Wedderburn, and was not, except the plausible one, which was triumphlike him, a wrangler by profession. He there- antly made by the friends of administration. fore let the diversion go on; and went home They said that a man holding a place under fully determined to make his appeal to a a government, should be faithful to that gohigher and more competent tribunal. vernment; and that Dr. Franklin, having a But cunning deals in something like plans lucrative office, should not have embroiled and schemes of mischief, which Franklin did government, on any account, with the Amerinot suspect from the talents of his abusers; cans. This was suffering to be taken for and if he had, he could not have provided granted, what indeed it would not have been against them. On the first rumour of a pe- difficult to prove-that the interest of administition from Boston, against these good friends tration is one thing, and the interest of the of administration, Hutchinson and Oliver, people another. It does not signify where they determined on the whole plan. When the people reside, whether in America or in the matter came to a hearing, it was to be Middlesex. This being the case, it is avowconverted into abuse of Dr. Franklin, who ing the plainest principle of tyranny, to mainwas to be dismissed from his place the next tain that the king's servants are his own, and morning, loaded with all the ignominy and have no duty or relation to the people! desdisgrace they could lay upon him.-But what potic governments perhaps may be alarmed was to be done with his understanding and to find this doctrine now condemned even in talents?—This man, though in years, and of the army, which they consider as immediatephilosophical and peaceable turn, might not ly depending on themselves, and perfectly take all these injuries in good part; and separate from the public interest. To the Wilkes had given an instance that the peo- honour of the military gentlemen, however, ple will favour the oppressed. Yes, and it is a fact, that many officers define their Wilkes had taught administration,-caution obligations with an integrity and public spirit and prudence in committing violence. Wed- which would have pleased a Cato. derburn's talents would serve on this occa- are the king's servants," say they, "but it is sion; and he advised them to a suit in chan- only while the king is the servant of the peocery. Whately, banker to the treasury, was ple." Apply this glorious principle to the accordingly ordered to file a bill in chancery case of Dr. Franklin; and the Mauduits and against Dr. Franklin, for taking away his Wedderburns are prostrated. brother's letters. This it seems effectually tied up the doctor's hands, and was undoubtedly done with that sole view. For a man cannot even defend his own reputation, when the question on which it depends is what they call, pendant before my lord chancellor. The treasury is rich enough to keep this matter pendant a long while; and an offender against administration must not expect to disobey the rules of chancery, unnoticed by the lord chancellor. This fact, at the same time that it exhibited the great wisdom and equity of administration, accounted to the public for what seemed very strange: "That while a man of Dr. Franklin's character and abilities was daily and maliciously traduced, he had not published a line in his own defence." The essays which appeared for him in the public papers, were without his participation, and without his knowledge. He had however written a full and clear account of the part he had taken in all public measures, and the motives and views on which he acted, probably with the intention of submitting it to the consideration of the world, whenever he could do it with safety. In the mean time it was the duty of his friends, to do what they could Shortly after the proceedings before the privy council, Dr. Franklin was dismissed from the office of deputy postmaster-general, which he held under the crown. It was not only by his transmission of the letters of governor Bernard and lieutenant-governor Hutchinson, that he had given offence to the British ministry, but by his popular writings in favour of America. Two pieces in particular had lately attracted a large share of public attention on both sides of the Atlantic. The one purported to be an edict from the king of Prussia, for taxing the inhabitants of Great Britain, as descendants of emigrants from his dominions. The other was entitled, "Rules for reducing a great empire to a small one;" in both of which he exposed the claims of the mother country and the proceedings of the British ministry, with the severity of poignant satire. Pending these transactions, another antagonist to Dr. Franklin's fame started up. A publication by Josiah Tucker, D. D. and dean of Gloucester, appeared, and occasioned the following correspondence; by which it will be seen, that Dr. Franklin endeavoured | honour to send to Gloucester, I have just re to obtain from the dean, an open and fair communication of the grounds and reasons upon which the latter had relied, in making certain charges against the former; and that he did this in the fullest confidence of being able completely to justify himself against them. But Dr. Tucker most uncandidly endeavours to avoid that communication, and that discovery of the truth which it was likely to produce. "To Dean Tucker. "LONDON, February 12, 1774. ceived in London, where I have resided many "To Dean Tucker. you to communicate to me the particulars of the information you have received, that I may have an opportunity of examining them; and I flatter myself, I shall be able to satisfy you that they are groundless. I propose this method as more decent than a public altercation, and suiting better the respect due to your character. "With great regard, I have the honour to be, reverend sir, your most obedient humble "REVEREND SIR,-Being informed by a friend, that some severe strictures on my con"REVEREND SIR,-I received your favour duct and character had appeared in a book of yesterday. If the substance of what you published under your respectable name, I have charged me with is right, I can have but purchased and read it. After thanking you little concern about any mistakes in the cirfor those parts of it that are so instructive on cumstances: whether they are rectified or points of great importance to the common not, will be immaterial. But knowing the interest of mankind, permit me to complain, substance to be wrong, and believing that you that if by the description you give in pages can have no desire of continuing in an error, 180, 181, of a certain American patriot, whom prejudicial to any man's reputation, I am peryou say you need not name, you do, as is sup-suaded you will not take it amiss, if I request posed, mean myself, nothing can be further from the truth than your assertion, that I applied or used any interest directly or indirectly to be appointed one of the stamp officers for America. I certainly never expressed a wish of the kind to any person whatever, much less was I, as you say, more than ordinarily assiduous on this head.' I have heretofore seen in the newspapers, insinuations of the same import, naming me expressly; but being without the name of the writer, I took no notice of them. I know not whether they were yours, or were only your authority for your present charge. But now that they have the weight of your name and dignified cha"GLOUCESTER, Feb. 27, 1774. racter, I am more sensible of the injury; and I beg leave to request, that you would re"SIR,-The request made in your last letconsider the grounds on which you have ter, is so very just and reasonable, that I shall ventured to publish an accusation, that, if be- comply with it very readily. It has long aplieved, must prejudice me extremely in the peared to me, that you much exceeded the opinion of good men, especially in my own bounds of morality in the methods you purcountry, whence I was sent expressly to op- sued for the advancement of the supposed inpose the imposition of that tax. If on such terests of America. If it can be proved, that reconsideration and inquiry, you find, as I am I have unjustly suspected you, I shall acpersuaded you will, that you have been im- knowledge my error, with as much satisfacposed upon by false reports, or have too light-tion as you can have in reading my recantaly given credit to hearsays in a matter that concerns another's reputation, I flatter myself that your equity will induce you to do me justice, by retracting that accusation. "In confidence of this, I am with great esteem, reverend sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant, servant, B. FRANKLIN.” "To Dr. Franklin. tion of it. As to the case more immediately referred to in your letters, I was repeatedly informed, that you had solicited the late Mr. George Grenville for a place or agency in the distribution of stamps in America. From which circumstance, I myself concluded, that you had made interest for it on your own account: whereas, I am now informed, there are no positive proofs of your having solicited to obtain such a place for yourself, but there is sufficient evidence still existing of your having applied for it in favour of another per"SIR,―The letter which you did me the son. If this latter should prove to be the fact, "B. FRANKLIN." "To Dr. Franklin. "MONDAY, February 21, 1774. as I am assured it will, I am willing to sup-| you, and can prove to you by living evidence, pose, from several expressions in both your is a true account of the transaction in quesletters, that you will readily acknowledge, tion, which, if you compare with that you that the difference in this case between your- have been induced to give of it in your book, self and your friend, is very immaterial to the I am persuaded you will see a difference that general merits of the question. But if you is far from being a distinction above your should have distinctions in this case, which comprehension.' are above my comprehension, I shall content myself with observing, that your great abilities and happy discoveries deserve universal regard; and that as on these accounts I esteem and respect you, so I have the honour to be, sir, your very humble servant, "J. TUCKER." "To Dean Tucker. "LONDON, Feb. 26, 1774. "REVEREND SIR,-I thank you for the frankness with which you communicated to me the particulars of the information you had received, relating to my supposed application to Mr. Grenville for a place in the American stamp office. As I deny that either your former or latter informations are true, it seems incumbent on me, for your satisfaction, to relate all the circumstances fairly to you, that could possibly give rise to such mistakes. "Permit me further to remark, that your expression of there being 'no positive proofs of my having solicited to obtain such a place for myself, implies that there are, nevertheless, some circumstantial proofs, sufficient at least to support a suspicion; the latter part, however, of the same sentence, which says, 'there are sufficient evidence still existing, of my having applied for it in favour of another person,' must, I apprehend, if credited, destroy that suspicion, and be considered as positive proof of the contrary; for, if I had interest enough with Mr. Grenville to obtain that place for another, is it likely that it would have been refused me, had I asked it for myself? "There is another circumstance which I would offer to your candid consideration.— You describe me as 'changing sides, and appearing at the bar of the house of commons to cry down the very measure I had espoused, and direct the storm that was falling upon that minister.' As this must have been after my supposed solicitation of the favour for myself or my friend, and Mr. Grenville and Mr. Whately were both in the house at the time, and both asked me questions, can it be conceived, that offended as they must have been with such a conduct in me, neither of them should put me in mind of this my sudden changing of sides, or remark it to the house, or reproach me with it, or require my reasons for it? and yet all the members then present, know that not a syllable of the kind fell fron either of them, or from any of their party. "Some days after the stamp act was passed, to which I had given all the opposition I could, with Mr. Grenville, I received a note from Mr. Whately, his secretary, desiring to see me the next morning. I waited upon him accordingly, and found with him several colony agents. He acquainted us that Mr. Grenville was desirous to make the execution of the act as little inconvenient and disagreeable to America as possible; and therefore did not think of sending stamp officers from this country, but wished to have discreet and reputable persons appointed in each province from among the inhabitants, such as would be acceptable to them; for as they were to pay the tax, he thought strangers should not have the emolument. Mr. Whately therefore wished us to name for our respective colonies, informing us that Mr. Grenville would be obliged to us for pointing out to him honest and responsible men, and would pɩy great regard to our nominations. By this plausible and apparently candid declaration, we were drawn in to nominate; and I named for our province Mr. Hughes, saying at the same time, that I knew not whether he would accept of it, but if he did, I was sure he would execute the office faithfully. I soon after had 'I desire you to believe that I take kindly, notice of his appointment. We none of us, I as I ought, your freely mentioning to me believe, foresaw or imagined that this compli-that it has long appeared to you, that I ance with the request of the minister, would or could have been called an application of ours, and adduced as a proof of our approbation of the act we had been opposing; otherwise I think few of us would have named at all-I am sure I should not. This, I assure "I persuade myself, that by this time you begin to suspect you may have been misled by your informers. I do not ask who they are, because I do not wish to have particular motives for disliking people, who, in general, may deserve my respect. They, too, may have drawn consequences beyond the information they received from others, and hearing the office had been given to a person of my nomination, might as naturally suppose I had solicited it; as Dr. Tucker, hearing that I had solicited it, might conclude' it was for myself. 66 much exceeded the bounds of morality in the methods I pursued for the advancement of the supposed interests of America.' I am sensible there is a good deal of truth in the adage that our sins and our debts are always more than we take them to be; and though I can not at present, on examination of my conscience, charge myself with any immorality of that kind, it becomes me to suspect, that what has long appeared to you, may have some foundation. You are so good as to add, that if it can be proved you have unjustly suspected me, you shall have a satisfaction in acknowledging the error.' It is often a thing hard to prove, that suspicions are unjust, even when we know what they are; and harder when we are unacquainted with them. I must presume, therefore, that in mentioning them, you had an intention of communicating the grounds of them to me, if I should request it, which I now do, and, I assure you, with a sincere desire and design of amending what you may show me to have been wrong in my conduct, and to thank you for the admonition. 66 In your writings I appear a bad man; but if I am such, and you can thus help me to become in reality a good one, I shall esteem it more than a sufficient reparation to, reverend sir, your most obedient humble servant, "B. FRANKLIN." [Note by Dr. Franklin, on the rough draft of the foregoing letter.] Feb. 7, 1775. No answer has been received to the above letter. B. F. tinually added, further to exasperate the colonies, render them desperate, and drive them into open rebellion. In a paper written by Dr. Franklin, “On the rise and progress of the differences between Great Britain and her American colonies," and supposed to have been published about this time (1774,) he states, that soon after the late war, it became an object with the British ministers to draw a revenue from America: the first attempt was by a stamp act. It soon appeared, that this step had not been well considered; and that the rights, the ability, the opinions, and temper of that great and growing people, had not been sufficiently attended to. They complained, that the tax was unnecessary, because their assemblies had ever been ready to make voluntary grants to the crown in proportion to their abilities, when duly required so to do; and unjust, because they had no representative in the British parliament, but had parliaments of their own, wherein their consent was given, as it ought to be, in grants of their own money. Franklin's paper abovementioned; and the progressive history of the causes of the American discontents in general. The parliament repealed the act as inexpedient, but in another asserted a right of taxing the colonies, and binding them in all cases whatsoever! In the following year they laid duties on British manufactures exFrom the preceding correspondence, it is ported to America. On the repeal of the fully evident, that this reverend divine was stamp act, the Americans had returned to not willing to acknowledge, or even find that their wonted good humour and commerce he had substantially erred in regard to Dr. with Great Britain; but this new act for layFranklin. His prejudices indeed, appear to ing duties renewed their uneasiness. These have been so deeply rooted, and his desire to and other grievances complained of by the do justice to one whom he had wronged, ap-colonies are succinctly enumerated in Dr. pears to have been so dormant, that he betrays an evident disinclination to ascertain the truth, or allow it to approach him, in opposition to these prejudices. With other more equitable dispositions, it would have been impossible for the dean to abstain so pertinaciously from giving any answer to Dr. Franklin's last letter. The facts and explanations which it contained were so important, and they were stated with so much Even those colonies which depended most candour and civility, that the dean must have upon the mother country for the consumption felt it to be highly incumbent on him, either of their productions, entered into associations to meet those facts by others equally conclu- with the others; and nothing was to be heard sive, or to acknowledge that he had wrong- of but resolutions for the encouragement of fully accused Dr. Franklin. The former he their own manufactures, the consumption of could not do, the latter he would not. The home products, the discouragement of foreign only expedient then remaining, was the un-articles, and the retrenchment of all superworthy and evasive one of giving no an swer! But to return to cbjects of more public interest. All the expectations that Dr. Franklin had then entertained from the good character and disposition of the then minister, lord Dartmouth, in favour of America, began to wither: none of the measures of his predecessor had even been attempted to be changed, but on the contrary new ones had been con The whole continent of America now began to consider the Boston port bill, as striking essentially at the liberty of all the colonies; and these sentiments were strongly urged and propagated in the American newspapers. fluities. Virginia resolved not to raise any more tobacco, unless the grievances of America were redressed. Maryland followed that example: Pennsylvania, and almost all the other colonies, entered into resolutions in the same spirit, with a view to enforce a general redress of grievances. During these disputes between the two countries, Dr. Franklin invented an emble matical design, intended to represent the | such compulsory attempts, will contribute to supposed state of Great Britain and her colo-unite and strengthen us; and, in the mean nies, should the former persist in her oppres-time, all the world will allow that our prosive measures, restraining the latter's trade, ceeding has been honourable.” and taxing their people by laws made by a legislature in which they were not represented. It was engraved on a copper-plate, from which the annexed is a fac simile. Dr. Franklin had many of them struck off on cards, on the back of which he occasionally wrote his notes. It was also printed on a half sheet of paper, with the explanation and moral which follow it. [See p. 104.] These sentiments, applied to the picture which they are annexed to, were well calculated to produce reflection; they form part of the same system of political ethics, with the following fragment of a sentence, which Dr. Franklin inserted in a political publication of one of his friends:-"The attempts to establish arbitrary power over so great a part of the British empire, are to the imminent hazard of our most valuable commerce, and of that national strength, security, and felicity, which depend on union and liberty;"--The preservation of which, he used to say, "had been the great object and labour of his life; the WHOLE being such a thing as the world before never saw!" Such had been the advice of Dr. Franklin; and, as he observes somewhere, "a good motion never dies;" so this was eventually acted upon in all its bearings, and was the first step to the union of the colonies, and their final emancipation from Great Britain. The first congress assembled at Philadelphia, September 17, 1774. Their first public act was a declaratory resolution, expressive of their disposition with respect to the colony of Massachusetts Bay, and immediately intended to confirm and encourage that people in their opposition to the oppressive acts of the British parliament. This, and other analogous resolutions relative to Massachusetts, being passed, the congress wrote a letter to general Gage, governor and commander of the king's troops in that province, in which, after repeating the complaints formerly made by the town of Boston, they declared the determined resolution of the colonies to unite for the preservation of their common rights, in opposition to the late acts of parliament, under the execution of which the unhappy people of Massachusetts were oppressed; that the colonies In June, 1774, a general congress of depu- had appointed them the guardians of their ties from all the colonies, began to be univer-rights and liberties, and that they felt the sally looked forward to. This had a year before been suggested by Dr. Franklin, in a letter to Thomas Cushing, dated July 7, 1773, in which he says,-"But as the strength of an empire depends, not only on the union of its parts, but on their readiness for united exertion of their common force; and as the discussion of rights may seem unseasonable in the commencement of actual war, and the delay it might occasion be prejudicial to the common welfare; as, likewise, the refusal of one or a few colonies, would not be so much regarded if the others granted liberally, which perhaps by various artifices and motives they might be prevailed on to do; and as this want of concert would defeat the expectation of general redress, that otherwise might be justly formed; perhaps it would be best and fairest for the colonies, in a GENERAL CONGRESS, now in peace to be assembled, (or by means of the correspondence lately proposed,) after a full and solemn assertion and declaration of their RIGHTS, to engage firmly with each other, that they will never grant aids to the crown in any general war, till those rights are recognised by the king and both houses of parliament; communicating to the crown this their resolution. Such a step, I imagine, will bring the dispute to a crisis; and whether our demands are immediately complied with, or compulsory measures thought of to make The petition to his majesty contained an us rescind them, our ends will finally be ob- enumeration of the grievances of the colonies, tained; for even the odium accompanying | humbly praying redress. It was forwarded to deepest concern, that whilst they were pursuing every dutiful and peaceable measure to procure a cordial and effectual reconciliation between Great Britain and the colonies, his excellency should proceed in a manner that bore so hostile an appearance, and which even the oppressive acts complained of did not warrant. They represented the tendency this conduct must have to irritate, and force a people, however well disposed to peaceable measures, into hostilities, which might prevent the endeavours of the congress to restore a good understanding with the parent state, and involve them in the horrors of a civil war. The congress also published a DECLARATION OF RIGHTS, to which they asserted the English colonies of North America were entitled, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English constitution, and their several charters or compacts. They then proceeded to frame a petition to the king, a memorial to the people of Great Britain, an address to the colonies in general, and another to the inhabitants of the province of Quebec. These several acts were drawn up with uncommon energy, address, and ability: they well deserve the attention of statesmen, and are to be found in the annals of American history. |