one per cent. with articles made in this country. The manufacture at present enjoyed a protection of one hun. dred per cent. The exclusion of muslins and fine cambrics, he considered as oppressive upon the poorer class of the community.

[H. OF R.

and fluctuations, and inroads of the industry and capital of Europe; it is for our own safety, precautionary merely; it is nothing less, and nothing more.

But it had

Mr. WILDE replied that South Carolina had already offered to cut down the duty on all articles, cotton includMr. APPLETON denied the correctness of Mr. BoUL-ed, to twelve and a half per cent., and he now extended DIN's facts, and then went into a history of the origin and the offer by saying that if Northern gentlemen would reprogress of the cotton manufacture in England; the intro- duce the duty on manufactures to twelve and a half per duction of the power loom; its result upon the state of the cent., the South would consent to take off the duty on cotmarket; the consequent effort of the British Government ton altogether. He denied that there ever had been, in to introduce it into England, and the competition which reality, a protecting duty on cotton; referred, for illusfollowed, and reduced the price to its minimum point. He tration, to the woollen and silk trade in England, and concluded by reading an extract from a speech of Mr. read extracts from the speeches of Mr. Huskisson. Calhoun on the subject of permanent protection to home Mr. REED, of Massachusetts, had been a member of manufactures. Congress in 1816, had opposed the tariff, and voted against Mr. BATES said the proposition of the gentleman from it. Mr. Pickering had warmly remonstrated against it as South Carolina [Mr. McDUFFIE] is to reduce the duty ruinous to the commerce of Massachusetts. upon cotton cloth costing fifteen cents the square yard to been imposed by the votes of Pennsylvania and the Southtwelve and a half per cent. ad valorem. It is presented ern States. His own State having thus been forced into as a test to show, in the language of the gentleman, either manufactures, he could not consent to abandon the prothat the coarse cottons cannot be made in the United tection of that interest. The duty was not wanted as a States as cheap as they are made in Europe, or that the bounty, but only to guard against those great and sudden manufacturers are forsworn. And the gentleman from fluctuations which often occurred in trade, and which might Virginia explains the matter by saying that if we can utterly destroy the large amount of capital thus invested. make these goods as cheap as they are made elsewhere, Mr. McDUFFIE said that when he introduced the we do not need the duty; and if we refuse to take it off, amendment, he had resolved not to be drawn into discusit is proof that we consider the duty as a tax upon the sion, and nothing that gentlemen could utter, however South, and a bounty to the North. To this unsound and absurd, should induce him to alter the determination. deceptive view of the subject, I wish to say a word. He had offered the amendment, and should follow it by others, with the purpose of unveiling this monster, and fully exposing it to view. The result he should afterwards employ.

It is beyond question that we can make the coarse cottons as cheap as they can be made, of the same quality, in any part of the world. It is also true that we vote against the reduction of the duty, but upon ground which has no Mr. BURGES said he hoped the gentleman's motions more connexion with the motive assigned, or with the would be made. The monster, however, had been unconsequences alleged, than it has with the moon; and the veiled for many years. It was a monster that had destroyed test applied is a test of nothing but of our disinclination to our commerce to India, by cutting off our trade in India repeal the duty. The true ground upon which we act, cottons, and had given a vast market to the cottons of the and the reason by which we are influenced, be it sound South. Yet, so eager and so ardent were the gentleman or unsound, good or bad, I will illustrate by putting a case. and his friends for the destruction of the Eastern States, Why does not the gentleman from South Carolina move that, after they had driven them to manufactures until they to reduce the import duty of three cents the pound on had made cotton goods cheaper than all the world besides, cotton to one cent; or to admit that article free of duty? he was now for driving the country back to Hindostan for He can make cotton as cheap as it can be made any its supply. For what purpose had the amendment been where, and as good. Why then does he keep on the duty? introduced? For no purpose, under the eye of God, but Might he not ask, in turn, why repeal or reduce it? What that the manufacturers of New England might be ruined. good? Will cotton come cheaper to the consumer? And It plainly showed the settled, unalterable resolution of the if no good is likely to result from the repeal, or reduction South to destroy New England. As to benefiting the of the duty, that of itself, in the judgment of a prudent indigent, Mr. B. said he never heard great patriots talk and sensible man, is a good reason for not touching it. It is well as it is; let it remain so. There is not only no prospect that any good will result from the repeal, but there is a certainty that evil may.

about the poor, but it reminded him of one who grudged the price of the ointment poured upon the Son of God, because it might have been sold for two hundred pence, and given to the poor. New England gave employment If there should be a surplus in the markets of the world, to every poor man who was able to labor. What did would not the Brazilian, the Egyptian, or India cottons these men of the South propose to do for them? To send come in and interfere with our own staple? Would it be every loom and spindle out of the country, and send the wise, at any rate, to subject this great planting interest to poor to England for clothes to cover them. The gentlethese contingencies? I think not. But what would be man from Virginia had said that the cotton manufacture contingent merely in relation to the cotton, would be cer- enjoyed a protection of a hundred per cent. To test that tain in relation to the fabric. The goods of Manchester assertion, he would go to the returns of the treasury. He would flow in here to the ruin of the manufacturer, al- then made statistical quotations to show that the amount though the foreign staple might not to the injury of the of duty was but one-fourth of the value of cotton goods. planter. It is precisely for this reason I shall vote against Lycurgus, he said, having the desire to make every man the reduction proposed by the amendment, and not be- a soldier, had ordered the walls of Lacedæmon to be cause the duty is a tax upon the South, or a bounty to the thrown down, and so well had the design succeeded, that North. If I may be pardoned in repeating what I said the matrons of that city never saw the smoke of an encupon a former occasion, we retain this duty for the same my's camp, until Thebes produced a man capable of unitreason we fence our fields--it is, that when we sow, we ing all Greece againts the tyrants. He had not only shown may have some chance of reaping; it is for security; in them the smoke of an enemy's camp, but, had it not been one word, it is to keep the cattle out. If I am under- that one luckless spear destroyed him, he would have stood, it will be seen that no inference of the kind sug- brought the flame within the city, and rased it to its foungested can be deduced from our unwillingness to adopt dations. Great Britain had not broken down her wall. this amendment, and thus expose the well established and Far from it. If she, in the magnanimity of her soul, had prosperous industry of our own country to the hazards, indeed abolished her own protecting system, as gentle

H. or R.]

The Tariff.

men affirmed, where was the official proof of it? He wanted something more solid than speeches to prove such a fact as that.

Mr. WILDE made some explanations in reply, which were not distinctly heard by the reporter, but had some reference to a reduction by Great Britain of ten per cent.

on cottons.

[JUNE 23, 1832.

fully impose the slightest burden upon the one, not equally imposed on the other, with a view to change the state of the competition, and the relative condition of the contending parties."

The question of abstract right would lead me, if I were to discuss it, into a wider range of remark than I pur posed to engage in, when I rose, at this late stage of the Mr. WAYNE thought the argument of Mr. McDUFFIE general debate; and I will refrain from pursuing the inhad not been fairly met. While the South asked for some quiry, except to say that, as all our imports are paid for concession, it was willing to give up to the Northern gen-by exports, the doctrine contended for would utterly prostlemen every important object they wished to secure. It trate the power to "regulate commerce," by opening the was not asked that the duty should be taken off from the ports of the country to all imaginable articles; because if article of stained cottons, said to have been recently in-cloth and hardware become identified with the cotton by troduced with so much success, but from the plain white cottons, which had undisputed possession of the market. Fears of the introduction of an inferior article he considered as groundless. He thought it was too much to ask that they should first have a protection on the unstained article, and then another on the stained one, The situation of the country required concession, and the market ought to be kept open to competition.

whose exchange they are purchased, so also are wines and silks; and the power to raise a revenue by imposts would involve in its exercise more partial taxation than the protecting system. Ships, too, that would be pur chased abroad, might justly claim an immunity from discriminating tonnage, and thus the whole shipping interest be removed beyond the encouragement of the Govern ment; in fact, we should not be able to stop short of the Mr. HOWARD, of Maryland, said: The gentleman from position assumed by the gentleman from Alabama, [Mr. South Carolina, who made this motion, avowed his inten- LEWIS,] that every man has a natural right to trade with tion by it to test the sincerity of those who assert that the the country he prefers. It is, however, to the conse cottons manufactured in this country can enter into com- quences of the doctrine against which I am contending petition with British cottons in foreign markets; and called that I wish to direct the attention of the House. How upon those who advocate the cause of domestic manufac- then, I ask, could such a commerce be long maintained? tures in this House, either to accede to his motion, or The cotton of the South, when remitted to England, would abandon the position which they have heretofore assumed. purchase the return cargo for the consumption of the The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. APPLETON] has planter, and leave a balance to be invested in similar ar responded to this call, and given to us his reasons why he ticles to be shipped to the ports of the Middle States, and declines to place himself upon either horn of the dilemma; sold for their consumption. When payment came to be and I would abstain from troubling the House with any made, how would it be done? The few articles which the remarks, if I did not think that the motion of the gentle- South would receive in return would be soon exhausted, man from South Carolina involved positions which the ma- and the balance (like all unfavorable balances of trade) nufacturers of the Eastern States are not the only persons be paid in cash, stocks, or whatever valuable articles could interested in opposing. It is claimed that the manufac- be found to remit. The breadstuffs of the Middle States tures of England, purchased with the exports of the South, would be roaming around the world in quest of a market, are as much the property of the planter as the articles whilst the creditor was awaiting, in calm security, the rewhich he produces upon his estate, or as the cottons which mittance from abroad, ready to accept it as a part of his issue from the Eastern looms; and that, consequently, he just due. With all the enterprise and ingenuity of our has a right to introduce them for sale into the markets of merchants, it would be impossible for them to struggle the Middle States, upon the same terms with his Northern long against such an exhausting course of trade, and the rival. It is in this point of view that the question assumes foreign articles would ere long be transported through a deep importance to those who, like myself, represent the grass-grown streets to the silent warehouse, where a any portion of the States whose custom is so industriously purchaser might be expected in vain. The ability to consought by both the contending parties. Two years ago, sume would be destroyed; and, according to my observaI heard this claim advanced by the gentleman from South tion, long before the passage of the act of 1824, the power Carolina, and heard it with astonishment. Since that pe- of consumption had become so diminished that foreign inriod, it has been formally asserted in the report of the Com-portations were in a great measure checked. The mer mittee of Ways and Means, as a short extract will show: chants wondered that they could not sell their goods, and "There cannot be a more palpable and delusive error were compelled to change the current of their business. than the vulgar notion that imported manufactures which The class of importers of British dry goods disappeared, have been purchased by the agricultural staples of this one by one; and, in looking around for the cause of this country are foreign productions. They are as strictly and depression of their trade, they seized upon the auction exclusively the productions of domestic industry as if they system, as practised in New York, as the source of this ge were manufactured in the United States. Looking, there- neral paralysis. That this state of things would occur fore, at the planting and manufacturing States with the again, and rapidly, if the principles of the gentleman from сус of an enlightened philosophy, these two great divi- South Carolina were adopted, I have no doubt. A consions of the Union must be regarded as devoting their stant and exhausting drain of the wealth of the Middle capital and labor to the production of the very same arti- States would flow to the South, and the proportion of the cles for the very same market. The Southern States ma- national stocks held by Carolina soon indicate the cause nufacture by the agency of ploughs, and hoes, and horses, of her prosperity. Even now, laboring under all the alwhat the Northern States manufacture by the aid of ma- leged depression of her industry, her shares in the Bank chinery; and they are competitors for the market of the of the United States amount to four millions of dollars, United States, equally entitled to the protection of the whilst the whole discounts of the Charleston branch amount Government, by every principle of constitutional liberty, to but three millions: thus leaving a clear million of dol and by the principles of eternal justice. No Government lars, which she is enabled to loan to some of her less prosupon the face of the earth can have any right--this Go- perous sisters of the confederacy. But this would be vernment certainly has no constitutional right--to inter nothing to the profits she would derive from selling British pose its power for the purpose of driving one of these stuffs to those whose purchases would cease only with great competitors out of the market, in order that it may their last valuable remittance of property. Against such be exclusively enjoyed by the other; neither can it right- a state of things I protest; and never, whilst I hold a seat

f

JUNE 23, 1832.]

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[H. of R.

policy is plain: and I refer to the memorial of the Free Trade Convention to show that, whilst their true interest was distinctly seen by the writer of that essay, he has fallen into an unaccountable fallacy, in assigning a reason why that interest should not be pursued.

in this House, will I sanction by my vote a course that would render the Middle States tributary to the South. It would exactly reverse what is now alleged to be the position of these respective portions of the country; it would cast upon us all those evils which are so warmly t depicted as prevalent in the South; and whilst the effort "Your memorialists are aware that it may be urged is made by gentlemen to supply themselves, upon cheap that, whilst the exports of the Southern States have been terms, with foreign commodities, they pass on- further, increasing, without interruption, those of the Middle and 92 and insist upon selling them to us, without regarding for Northern States, though fluctuating in value, have, for a moment our willingness or ability to buy. Under the forty years, been nearly stationary as to quantity. Whenoperation of the protecting system, if we consume the ma- ever the demand for the articles of food, which constitute nufactures of the East, they receive our produce in return. by far the greater part of those exports, ceased to increase But the pretension now set up goes still further. The in the same ratio as the population, it became not only manufacturers of the Middle States themselves consume useful, but absolutely necessary, to apply to new objects much agricultural produce which they pay for by the re- a portion of the industry of those States. They must sults of their own labor. Even supposing that these ma- otherwise have grown daily poorer, and been deprived of nufactures are afforded to the farmer at an enhanced price, the comforts which they had till then enjoyed. still in the exchange of commodities there is a mutual Southern States might be asked, in that spirit of concesconsumption; but, upon the theory now advanced, the fo- sion and compromise to which they appeal, not to oppose reign article could not be paid for in agricultural produce, a course of legislation, intended to encourage the estaand the farmers would thus be compelled to desist from blishment of manufactures, which has become a matter of consuming the articles of their own growth. The claim necessity in the parts of the Union less favored by nature advanced by the gentleman from South Carolina is, there- than themselves. fore, that the Middle States shall not manufacture for their own consumption, but be compelled to pay as well as they can for articles of foreign manufacture for which their produce will not be taken in payment. Such a trade would make our ports like the lion's den, with the tracks all pointing inward, and the marks of decay and death be as soon manifest in the one as in the other.

The

"The facts are admitted, and the Southern States did not wait for that appeal. The compromise took place, the concession was made, from the time they consented that the whole, or nearly the whole amount of the public revenue should be raised by duties on importation."

The quotation that I have just read shows that the author of the memorial was fully aware of the grounds upon Some years ago, when those plans of communication which the Middle States place their support of the tariff with the interior of the country, which the citizens of policy, and "admits the facts." It is, therefore, unnecesBaltimore are now pressing through all kinds of obsta- sary to consume any time in demonstrating what is thus cles, were proposed and discussed, I remember to have admitted. But how does the writer escape from the conbeen asked, by an intelligent merchant, what was pro-clusion to which these facts lead? Of all the wild and inposed to be done with all the flour that would be brought comprehensible assertions to which the discussion of the down to our port. He called my attention to the flour tariff has given rise, the one contained in the quotation markets that existed for this article, and the then glutted just recited appears to me the most monstrous. The po state of those markets, producing depressed prices at sition is, that the power of self-protection is taken away home, and a languishing commerce. This practical view from the Middle States, by some compromise heretofore of the subject led to the consideration of the means of made between them and the South, by which the latter improving the home market: and the connexion between consented that the entire revenue should be raised by imthe two systems of tariff and internal improvement is so posts. When was such a compromise made? By whom, firmly fixed, in the nature of things, that the friends of the and in what portion of our documentary history can it be one, in this House, are almost identical with the friends of discovered? These are questions that can be safely put, the other. Not from the miserable and sordid motive but not easily answered. They who make the assertion, that high duties are necessary to furnish funds with which ought to sustain it by proof. The usual difficulty of provthe Government can construct roads and canals, although ing a negative is, in this case, much enhanced by the this wretched motive has been frequently alleged to ex-long period of history over which the mind must range I am unable to ist in this House; but it is the enhanced value of the home in the attempt to make the examination. market which lies at the root of each system, and, in fact, find any thing like such a compromise, either before or they both are shoots from the same stalk, deriving all their since the establishment of the present Government; on strength from a common origin. For all the purposes of the contrary, the desire to collect the public revenue by internal commerce, the different climates and productions imposts collected under the immediate authority of the of our country may be considered as equivalent to various Federal Government, and the refusal or delay to delegate countries; and, by the mere exchange of our own commo- this power by some of the States, first induced the statesdities, we have the materials of a commerce to which 1 men of those days to think of remodelling the confederacy; should be unwilling to assign a limit. It is but the develop- and in the debates that took place in the federal or State ment of that germ which General Washington noticed conventions, I cannot find a trace of such a compromise in his farewell address, when he anticipated that the dif- as the one above mentioned. The propriety of taxing the ferent interests of the North, the South, the East, and the people, by way of imposts, was maintained upon far difWest, would bind them more firmly together, instead of ferent grounds, and the commercial States were the ones becoming the causes of disunion. That these interests who opposed it. In one of the preliminary papers that should now be considered as essentially hostile to each preceded the present constitution, a committee of Conother, is a subject of profound regret; and I am willing, gress hold the following language, in replying to the obfor one, in reviewing the whole ground, as we are now jections made by Rhode Island to granting the power of doing, by this bill, to advance far towards conciliation; to levying a duty on imports to the Federal Government. relieve, where relief is practicable, without a sacrifice "First objection. That the proposed duty would be that would amount to more than the gain. But the mo- unequal in its operation, bearing hardest upon the most tion which has led to these remarks is not one to which I commercial States, and so would press peculiarly hard can ever assent, whilst sustained upon the grounds which upon that State which derives its chief support from comnow support it. The situation in which it would place merce.'

the Middle States is no picture of the imagination; their "The most common experience, joined to the concur

H. OF R.]

The Tariff.

[JUNE 23, 1832.

such an interest wanted protection. Let him hear no more about high duties making cheap goods.

rent opinions of the ablest commercial and political ob- and a quarter cents. He left the House to judge whether servers, has established, beyond controversy, this general principle, that every duty on imports is incorporated with the price of the commodity, and ultimately paid by the consumer, with a profit on the duty itself, as a compensation to the merchant for the advance of his money. "The merchant considers the duty demanded by the State, on the imported article, in the same light with freight or any similar charge, and, adding it to the original cost, calculates his profit on the aggregate sum.

Mr. JENIFER was a friend of protection, yet desirous to conciliate. The bill had now reached its crisis; and if the present amendment was a fair sample of the others to be brought forward by the gentleman from South Caro lina, the entire question of protection or no protection was now to be settled. Before voting on this amendment, he desired, therefore, first, to know whether, if it should be adopted, the gentleman would then be satisfied with the bill. If not, whatever votes he might have given in Committee of the Whole, Mr. J. should no longer hold If these amendments were himself bound by them. brought forward only that gentlemen might go home and urge their constituents to civil war, it only remained for the friends of protection to get the best bill they could, and go home.

"The consequence of the principle laid down is, that every class of the community bears its share of the duty in proportion to its consumption, which last is regulated by the comparative wealth of the respective classes, in conjunction with their habits of expense or frugality. The rich and luxurious pay in proportion to their riches and luxury; the poor and parsimonious, in proportion to their poverty and parsimony. A chief excellence of this mode of revenue is, that it preserves a just measure to the abi- Mr. APPLETON admitted that a reduction might be lities of individuals, promotes frugality, and taxes extrava- made in the duty on some of the coarser cottons, provid gance. The same reasoning in our situation applies to ed they were designated by the number of threads in the the intercourse between two States; if one imports and square inch. To this he was ready to assent. He adthe other does not, the latter must be supplied by the verted to the policy of England in regard to linens, where former. Either State will only feel the burden in a ratio, she expected competition from Germany, and the effectual to its consumption, and this will be in a ratio to its popula- protection she had given to her own manufacturers. He tion and wealth." quoted from a speech of Mr. Huskisson a clause declaring that it was not the intention of Great Britain ever to aban don the system of protection. He said that Mr. CLAYTON, according to his own statements, was doing a far better business than any body else in manufacturing negro cloth ing. There was one factory for similar articles at Lowell, stock in which had been offered him at par. The gentleman's statements only went to show with how much advantage the South might engage in manufacturing, if they were so disposed. If any thing like such profits should be made at the North, they would instantly be brought down by competition.

In an address to the States, by the United States in Congress assembled, drawn up by a committee, of which Mr. Madison was chairman, I find the following language

used:

The fund which first presented itself on this, as it did on a former occasion, was a tax on imports. The reasons which recommended this branch of revenue have heretofore been stated, and need not be here repeated. It will suffice to recapitulate, that taxes on consumption are always least burdensome, because they are least felt, and are borne, too, by those who are both willing and able to pay them; that, of all taxes on consumption, those on fo- Mr. McDUFFIE said that, if this were not so grave a reign commerce are most compatible with the genius and subject, it would be really amusing to witness the excitepolicy of free States; that, from the relative positions of ment, he might say the consternation his motion had some of the more commercial States, it will be impossible produced. It appeared that the shot had taken effect. to bring this essential resource into use, without a con- If any gentleman had ever seen the effect of a hot coal certed uniformity; that this uniformity cannot be concert-upon the back of a terrapin, it might afford some illustra ed through any channel so properly as through Congress, tion of the effect of the amendment on the gentleman nor for any purpose so aptly as for paying the debts of a from Massachusetts, [Mr. APPLETON,] who had really revolution, from which an unbounded freedom has accrued seemed, from the moment it had been introduced, to be sitting on hot iron.

to commerce.

In these passages, Mr. Speaker, I find a clear exposi tion of the motives that induced our fathers to look upon a duty upon imports as the most advisable mode of collecting the public revenue, and it would be difficult to impeach the soundness of their views. If there be any document, placing the assent of the States to the proposition, upon the basis of a compromise, as stated in the memorial of the Free Trade Convention; or if the present constitution was adopted by any one of the States for such a reason, I have not been able to find the proof of it. The sound judgment of the statesmen who produced the papers from which I have read extracts, perceived and explained the reasons for adopting a tax on imports; and when they have assigned such unanswerable ones for them.! selves, it is unfair to ascribe others to them from mere conjecture.

Mr. CLAYTON, as a Southern manufacturer, considered it his duty to withhold no information which might tend to enlighten the House. He, therefore, proceeded to state that a pound of cotton would make two and a half yards of cloth No. 5. This cotton could be purchased at seven cents. Adding one cent for wastage, brought it to eight cents. It could be manufactured into cloth for eight cents more. The total cost was, therefore, sixteen cents. Such cloth sold at twelve and a half cents; two and a half yards of it would therefore bring thirty-one

Mr. JENIFER repeated his inquiry of Mr. McDUFFIE, to know whether that gentleman would be willing to vote for the bill, should his amendment be adopted.

Mr. McDUFFIE, on the question being twice put to him, said he should reserve to himself the liberty of act ing according to the dictates of his own judgment, when the bill should have received its final shape. Mr. JENIFER then put a similar question to Mr. Bout DIN.

Mr. BOULDIN replied that he should be well satisfied to see the amendment adopted.

Mr. JENIFER said his course was decided; he should vote against the amendment.

The question was now taken on Mr. McDUFFIE'S amendment, and decided in the negative by yeas and nays as follows: yeas 73, nays 115.

Mr. McDUFFIE now moved an amendment, the effect of which would be to abolish the discrimination between rolled and hammered iron.

The fifth clause of the bill reads: "On iron in bars or bolts, not manufactured in whole or in part by rolling, ninety cents per one hundred and twelve pounds." And the sixth clause commences thus: "On bar and bolt iron, made wholly or in part by rolling, thirty dollars per ton." The amendment proposed to strike out the words marked in italics.

JUNE 25, 1832.]

Adjournment--The Tariff--The Union.

[H. o

On this motion a debate arose, in which Messrs. Mc- Mr. CAMBRELENG rose amidst deafening cries for DUFFIE,CRAWFORD,DEARBORN, WILDE, ADAMS, the question. He remonstrated against the impatience and DENNY took part. It resulted in the rejection of of the House when a question was at issue more momenthe amendment by yeas and nays as follows: yeas 67, tous than perhaps had ever been presented to the action nays 114. of that body, and on which might turn the question of civil Mr. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, now moved the follow-war. He then observed that the amendment of Mr. DAVIS ing amendment, viz. proposed a multiplying duty, which must result in prohibition, begin where he would. The gentleman, however, to make sure, had begun at a point which was in itself prohibitory.

Strike out the whole of the second section of the bill, (containing the proposed duties on woollens,) and insert in lieu thereof the following:

"On all milled and fulled cloths, made wholly of wool, and known by the name of plains or kerseys, the value whereof shall not exceed thirty-five cents the square yard, and on all blankets made of wool, the value whereof shall not exceed one dollar each, five per centum ad valorem. "On worsted stuff goods, ten per centum al valorem. "On worsted and woollen yarn, four cents a pound, and fifty per centum ad valorem.

"On hosiery, mits, gloves, bindings, and blankets, except as above, thirty-five per centum ad valorem.

"On Brussels, Turkey, three-ply, ingrain, and Wilton carpeting, seventy cents the square yard.

"On ingrained and Venetian carpeting, forty-five cents the square yard.

"On all other kinds of carpeting of wool, or of which wool is a component part, twenty-five per centum ad valorem.

"On all other manufactures of wool, or of which wool is a component part, and on ready made clothing, forty per

centum.

Mr. BOON modified the resolution by inserting therein the 2d of July as the day of adjournment; and the question on agreeing to the resolution being stated,

Mr. WATMOUGH moved to postpone its further consideration until Monday next.

Mr. MERCER wished to remind the House of the im"Provided, however, that the duty on flannels and portant subjects, the bank and the tariff, which yet rebaizes shall not be less than twenty cents the square yard; mained to be disposed of, and without settling which they and provided, further, that the duties levied as aforesaid could not adjourn, unless by abandoning what was of inon manufactures of wool, or of which wool shall be a com- finite importance to the country. He took that opportu ponent part, shall be assessed on the current wholesale nity to contradict the wicked and atrocious falsehood, market value thereof in the principal markets of the Unit-circulated possibly to influence members as to adjourned States, which value shall be ascertained by the apprais-ment, that the cholera was at Alexandria. It had been ers; and it shall be the duty of each and every collec- said to have been brought to that port by a vessel with tor, where any such goods shall be entered and appraised, emigrants; but it was notorious that not only is not any to cause the time and place of entry, the valuation made vessel there with emigrants at this time, but that there by the appraisers, and the number of yards, to be perma-had not been one for years. nently marked on each piece of goods, in such manner as the Secretary of the Treasury shall direct.”

Mr. JENIFER moved to amend the amendment by striking out thirty-five cents in the first clause of Mr. DAVIS's amendment, relating to the value of plains, and inserting thirty-eight cents.

Mr. DAVIS accepted this as a modification. Mr. WICKLIFFE considered the amendment as amounting to total prohibition, and demanded the yeas and nays. Mr. MERCER insisted that the amendment in its present shape would not operate upon a yard of cloth in the United States.

Mr. ANDERSON now moved the previous question; which being negatived--yeas 75, nays 87,

Mr. CONNER, of North Carolina, rose to suggest to the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. WATMOUGH] to name Thursday next as the best day for the further consideration of this question; by that time, he trusted they would be able to see some glimmerings of the land; that something would be known as to the probable termination of the important subject of the tariff. He had never been in the habit of voting against adjournments of the House; but, feeling the importance of this subject, and to his constituents more particularly, he could not consent to any Mr. DAVIS observed that he had heard many bold de- adjournment until that question was settled, if it was to clarations on that floor; but whatever the gentleman from Kentucky might say, Mr. D. affirmed that the protection resulting from his amendment would not exceed seventyfour and a half per cent., and every body who knew any thing about the woollen business, must know that that would produce nothing like prohibition.

After a remark or two from Mr. WICKLIFFE and Mr. MERCER,

Mr. DRAYTON took the floor, and addressed the House at length in opposition to the amendment; making many statistical calculations to show what its effects would be.

When he had concluded, Mr. DAVIS observed that all the gentleman's calculations were erroneous, being built on a false foundation. He did not propose a duty of fifty per cent., but of forty. He had no desire to mislead the House. They could all calculate the effect of the amendment, of the success of which he had little hope, but on which would depend his support of the present bill. VOL. VIII.-234

be so, and the agitation among the people quieted. He could not consent by his vote to throw any obstacle in the way of a fair expression of the opinion of the House on that important subject; and he wished, when he met his constituents, to be able to say, whatever decision would be arrived at, that that decision was made by a fair vote in the House, upon full and fair discussion, or that their enemies had refused to meet the question at issue between them.

Mr. ISACKS thought that, if the House did not make a satisfactory adjustment of the tariff question, they had certainly been already in session too long; but if it was to be settled, as he thought it would be, some time, even weeks more, would he well spent in having it accomplished. He did not feel despair that this would be the case.

Mr. BLAIR, of South Carolina, said he would have been opposed to any adjournment, as long as there was any hope left that the tariff would be satisfactorily adjusted. But he had been long enough listening to the