the fallacious test of averages, the duties, and virulence was not directed against the actually received in these eighteen weeks are Government-its neglect of, and even its nearly a fourth part of the duties received contempt for, the comforts and happiness in the whole of the last fourteen years. So of the people? In the recent disturbthat we are, for the present at least, enjoy- ances we have hardly traced a word or a ing the three greatest advantages that any thought of this tendency. In vain did the state of the corn-market can produce, real instigators of the mischief endeavour advantages hitherto supposed to be incom-to give it a political and seditious characpatible, namely, 1. A great supply of food for the people, without 2 any serious injury to the farmer; and 3-with a vast addition to the revenue. These results are for so short a period and so unexpectedly favourable to our view, that we do not venture to rely upon their continuance in the same satisfactory degree, but they are very encouraging, and they at least negative some of the sinister anticipations which the enemies of the new corn-law foreboded. We do not pretend to say that times and circumstances may not hereafter affect it, as they have done its predecessors; but we do say that it seems to offer the best combination and adjustment of all interests that our position admits, and the fairest promise of permanent protection to the farmer, and permanent plenty to the people :-we insist on the expression permanent in both cases-for we are convinced that exorbitant protection would soon be swept away, leaving the farmer to hopeless ruin, while the abolition of all protection would give the people a temporary glut, to be grievously expiated by early and frequent vicissitudes of scarcity and starvation. Concurring, as we did, from their first announcement, in the general and, we might say, abstract policy of Sir Robert Peel's measures, we confess that recent events have stamped them with a character of more immediate and practical utility than we had anticipated. The-extensive insurrections which have recently taken place in the manufacturing districts, so alarming in their aspect, but hitherto so easily repressed—can any one venture to say to what more lamentable extent and excesses they might have suddenly proceeded if the sympathising and paternal feelings of the Government towards the manufacturing classes had not been expressed so early in the session in those powerful addresses of Sir Robert Peel not more powerful-not perhaps so powerful-in influencing the legislature, as in conciliating the feelings, encouraging the hopes, and fortifying the patience of a deeply distressed working population? Was there ever before a popular commotion in England, of which the chief violence ter-in vain did the Chartists brawl for the rights of man, and the Anti-Corn-Law League preach a cheap-bread crusade against property: the masses, retaining, even in their excitement, a degree of sagacity and good sense that is really very surprising, rejected all such provocations, and confined their irregularities to the single point on which they had originally turned out-the amount of wages. We deeply regret that these poor people should have been driven or deluded into those violent and criminal excesses, of which the most serious portion of the injury must fall upon themselves; but we must repeat our satisfaction at such unexampled forbearance from political offences, which we can attribute to nothing but the force of public opinion created by the previously announced measures of the Government-measures that, by a combination of foresight and good fortune, were--may we venture to say?-providentially calculated to meet the emergency. Sir Robert Peel had stated in a few plain but potent words the principle of his policy I will tax the rich, and spare the poor-I will en deavour to cheapen the price of food to the whole population, and to assist especially the working classes by placing more plentifully within their reach the materials of industry, and, of course, the sources of comfort and content.' We are as thoroughly convinced as we can be of any moral problem that these disturbances were created by those on whose own heads the explosion will ultimately recoil-the anti-corn-law leaguers; and that the deep-laid schemes of these greedy incendiaries have been hitherto defeated solely by the common sense of the people themselves, awakened by their knowledge of and their confidence in the wise and benevolent policy of their Government. We know not how long these salutary impressions may last. We are well aware that such scenes as have afflicted the North must entail on the working classes additional misery and consequent liability to further disturbance. The sacrifices that these misguided people have been compelled to make, the dissipation of their little funds from the Savings Banks, and the permanent ill feeling and struggle now established between them and their em- | Court of Chancery. These bills were all ployers, will all tend to keep alive social discontent and to create political disaffection; and we confess we look forward with no inconsiderable alarm to the further consequences of these anti-corn intrigues. We have, we fear, only scotched the snake, not killed it: we expect that great uneasiness will survive, and cannot but fear the possibility of a long and gloomy crisis of distress and disquiet; but, for the present, we have only to repeat our belief that the measures of the Government have mainly conduced to diminish, though they could not wholly avert, a serious and imminent danger. We cannot doubt that the great Conservative party will see in this remarkable circumstance additional grounds of confidence in their leaders, and of self-gratulation on the prudence and the patriotism with which they resisted every effort, insidious or avowed, to disunite them. There were many matters on which an honest difference of opinion must have existed, and may even still survive; but we think we may assert that experience, short as it has been, has gone far towards removing the most serious doubts that were originally entertained of the policy of the ministerial measures, and that some gentlemen, who may have given a hesitating assent to this or that individual detail, are now satisfied that their confidence was not misplaced, and that the well-regulated vigour and conciliatory energy of the Goverument have probably saved us from an awful convulsion. It cannot, at least, be doubted that they have already alleviated the pressure of distress, and have opened a prospect of peace abroad and prosperity at home, in which at the beginning of the late session the most sanguine amongst us hardly ventured to indulge. passed, not without some, though noiseless, difficulty from individual interests; and we believe they will be found The County Courts Bill was reluctantly very valuable. postponed to another session. We do not greatly regret it. The bill is certainly of great importance, and something of the kind is much needed; but much difference as to its details existed even amongst the friends of the measure, and we believe that the delay may be turned to good account. But the most important legal measure of the session was undoubtedly the Cessio Bonorum bill introduced by Lord Brougham, and passed, with the assistance of the Chancellor and the Duke of Wellington in the Lords, and the support of the SolicitorGeneral and the Ministry in the House of Commons. This bill abolishes virtually the practice of imprisonment for debt,—a serious experiment, we admit, but one which in the present state both of the law and of public opinion we think it is both safe and expedient to try. We should also have wished to have noticed Lord Palmerston's clever-but rather unlucky-speech at the close of the session, and Sir Robert Peel's still more clever and overwhelming reply; and we should have been particularly glad to have made some observations on the improved aspect of our foreigu relations. But this is beyond our present scope. whether we look abroad or at home-to Upon the wholediplomatic or financial affairs--to public credit or public opinion—to social ameliorations or legal reforms-it cannot be denied that the present Cabinet has, under all its disadvantages, done more of real and useful business in one session than its bewildered predecessors had even attempted in the six or seven years of their paralysed existence which they drawled and dragged out 'Letting I dare not wait upon I would— Like the poor cat in the adage! We had intended to have added to this review of Sir Robert Peel's financial and economical policy an exposition of various administrative and legal improvements introduced by the members or friends of his administration, and which, though some The country was wearied and ashamed of have been postponed, and some rendered snch a contemptible phantom of a ministry less perfect, have exhibited a striking con--and, whatever question there may be as trast to the poco curante and far niente to this or that measure of the present Cabiapathy of his predecessors. We should have particularly wished to notice some measures of legal reform-the best and most necessary of all reform-introduced by Lord Lyndhurst, for expediting and cheapening proceedings in Lunacy, in Bankruptcy, and in the general practice of the net, there is a universal satisfaction throughout the country-and we believe throughout the friendly nations of Europe-that England, after a long and disgraceful interregnum, has at last an administration that can do its business, and a Government that ventures to govern. INDEX TO VOL. LXX. A. ESCHYLUS, 173. See Orestea. Animal Chemistry, 54. See Liebig. B. Bateman, James, the orchidaceae of Mexico and Bauer, F., illustrations of the genera and species of Berberries, the best underwood covert for game, Bile, the, 62. See Liebig. Blood, the, action and functions of, 57, 58. See Blücher, Marshall, 244. See Raushnick. Bowes, Major General, his monument described, Bread, relative prices of, in London and Paris, 287. Buccleugh, Duke of, reformations in his collieries, Buonaparte, Napoleon, cause of his name being Burney, Miss, 134. See D'Arblay. C. Calderwood, Mrs., of the Coltness family-journal Cessio Bonorum Act, 291. Charlotte, Queen, 154. See D' Arblay. Clausewitz, General, review of the Belgian cam- Clock, electro-magnetic, of Professor Wheatstone, 31. Coffee, its active principle the same as that of tea, Colliers and Collieries, 87; general ignorance as Coltness Collections, the, 195; progress of clubs in Commissioners for inquiring into the condition of Copper-ore, effects of the high protective duties Coroners, effects of the want of them in Scotland, D'Arblay, Madame (formerly Miss Burney), Diary E. Elections, general, in England, described, 212. Encyclopædia Britannica,' seventh edition, 25; cording the progress of arts, ib.; terrestrial phy- Evergreens, exportation of, from England to foreign F. Flower-garden, the, 108; royal personages, philoso- 132. 6 Fossil Fuel, History of, 87; extract from, 106, 107. |