Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

to his own family, seeking metaphors and epithets instead of precision and clearness. Another cause of that impression may have been, that Mr. Pitt, whenever it was possible, preferred transacting business in personal interviews rather than in writing.

Of this usual course in Mr. Pitt a strong proof came under our own observation. Once, when the writer of this article was on a visit at Lowther Castle, the venerable Earl, who amidst advancing years never wearies in acts of courtesy and kindness to all around him, indulged his friend's curiosity with a large packet of letters addressed by Mr. Pitt to himself, and to his kinsman Sir James. These letters had been most properly preserved as autographs; but, with one or two remarkable exceptions, they were very short, and nearly in the following strain:-'Dear Lowther, Pray call on me in the course of the morning.'-*Dear Lowther, Let me see you at the Treasury as soon as you can.'-' Dear Lowther, When shall you be next in town, as I wish to speak to you?'-in short, referring almost every subject to conversation instead of correspondence.

many of them were, in the very height of the session, or the utmost hurry of business-they appear to us models in that kind of composition. We can scarcely praise them more highly than by saying that they rival Lord Bolingbroke's celebrated diplomatic correspondence, of which, as we know from other sources, Mr. Pitt was a warm admirer. They never strain at any of those rhetorical ornaments which, when real business is concerned, become only obstructions, but are endowed with a natural grace and dignity-a happy choice of words, and a constant clearness of thought. Although scarce ever divided into paragraphs, they display neither confusion, nor yet abrupt transition of subjects, but flow on, as it were, in an even and continuous stream.

Of these merits, however, we shall now give our readers an opportunity of judging for themselves. Here, for example, is a confidential inquiry, which was addressed to the Duke of Rutland as to some faults imputed to his secretary, Mr. Orde,* and which, as it seems to us, most justly combines a zeal for the public service with a tenderness for personal feelings :—

'Mr. Pitt to the Duke of Rutland. [Secret.] Brighthelmstone, Oct. 28, 1785.

But whatever doubts may have been entertained as to Mr. Pitt's abilities for writing, are now, as we conceive, set at rest by a fortunate discovery in the House of Rutland. It may be recollected, that the late My dear Duke,-I would not break in upon Duke was appointed by Mr. Pitt, in 1784, you in the course of your tour, if the business I wish to bring under your consideration was less Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and died as pressing and important than it is. You will be such, in 1787, at the early age of thirty-three. so good to understand what I have to say upon The Duchess, his widow, survived till 1831. it as being in the most entire confidence and seNot long since, as their eldest son, the pre- crecy, as indeed the subject itself sufficiently sent Duke, was arranging her Grace's pa- implies. Various accounts have reached me pers, he unexpectedly lighted upon a long from persons connected with Ireland, too mateseries of confidential communications be- rial to the interest of your government, and, tween Downing Street and Dublin Castle consequently, to us both, to make it possible for In this case it was manifestly impossible mediately to you, and desiring such farther inme to delay communicating the substance imfor the Prime Minister to hold personal formation and advice as you alone can give. interviews with the Lord Lieutenant: in While all quarters agree in eulogiums, which this case, therefore, Mr. Pitt wrote, and do not surprise me, on every part of your own wrote most fully and freely. The greater conduct, and on the prudence, spirit, and firmpart of the letters are marked 'private,' ness of your government, the picture they give most private,' 'secret''most secret,' and of the first instrument of your administration is are evidently composed, not merely as be- incurred the imputation of irresolution and tivery different. They state that Mr. Orde has tween official colleagues, but familiar friends. midity, and a suspicion even of duplicity, still The value of these documents to illustrate more prejudicial than his want of decision; and the history of the times and the character that if the management of the House of Comof Mr. Pitt could not fail to be apparent, mons, and the duties of secretary, are left in his and although there might be some ground hands, it will be impossible to answer what against their publication at present, the may be the consequences to Government even Duke of Rutland has in the most liberal man-imagine does not come directly to me; and I in the next session. This information you may ner consented that a certain number should neither know how far it is to be depended upon, be printed for the gratification of his friends. nor have any means myself of ascertaining it, Of the letters thus printed in the course but by stating it to you, who may be able to do of the present summer, we have had the honour to receive a copy, and we feel no hesitation in saying that-written though

Secretary of the Treasury, in 1782. In 1797 he was created Lord Bolton, and died in 1807.

The Right Hon. Thomas Orde. He had been

SO.

I receive every such intimation with great | Orde's conduct, and you will be best able to allowance for a thousand prejudices or secret judge whether there is any probability of its motives in which it may originate; but I still being founded. And, above all, you will have think it too serious to be wholly disregarded. the goodness to tell me freely, whether, if (from From all I have had an opportunity of seeing, such materials as we can collect) the opinion I give Mr. Orde credit for considerable abilities here should incline to remove Mr. Orde, you and industry, and for perfect good intention. I feel in your own mind any objection, provided am, therefore, inclined to think such representa- you can pitch upon a proper person to succeed tions as I have mentioned at least greatly exag- him; and be persuaded that the knowledge of gerated. But I am sensible that his manners do your inclination in this respect will be decisive, not lead him to be direct and explicit in doing both on my opinion and my wishes. The only business, and that his temper is not decisive. other way by which I can be enabled to judge This may make him not distinct enough in his farther on this subject is by calling on Mr. Orde dealings with men or personal objects, and con- himself (as may naturally be done in the present tent, without knowing as distinctly as he ought, circumstances) to state, more precisely than he on the other hand, what he has to trust to from has hitherto done, the strength and reliance of them; and these circumstances will sometimes Government, and the prospect he has of carryhave the appearance, and generally the bad ef- ing through the public service in the House of fect, of the qualities imputed to him. It is stated Commons. By this means, one material part of particularly, that when the commercial bill was the consideration may, I think, be ascertained brought forward he had neither taken sufficient | with a good deal of accuracy. pains to ascertain who were the friends of Government, nor to collect those who were certainly so, but had trusted to vague assurances and general expectations, which produced the consequences we saw. This I am more apt to believe, because I think, even now, after that session, he is not prepared to give any clear and satisfactory statement of the support on which Government may rely. I do not mention what passed on the commercial question as a thing to be lamented in the event: on the contrary, if the effect of more exertion in Mr. Orde had been to procure twenty or thirty more votes in the House of Commons, it would, as events have proved, perhaps have been a misfortune; but occasions might arise in which the same want of address or vigour might be fatal.

Upon the whole, if there is any reasonable ground for the suggestions I have mentioned, I think you will agree with me that it would be very desirable to open a retreat for Orde, and to endeavour to find some other person whom you would approve of to take his place. But, at the same time, this is not a resolution to be lightly taken, because, although the pledge for the continuance of the same system, and the main grounds of confidence, would still continue, (where they have hitherto existed), in your own person, yet even the change of the secretary must interrupt and derange for a time the machine of government in a way which ought to be avoided, if there is no strong necessity for hazarding it. All, therefore, that occurs to me, under these circumstances, is, first, what I have now done, to state the whole to you, and to desire the most confidential communication of your opinions and wishes concerning it. You may, perhaps, in your situation, find it difficult to obtain from the truest friends of Government their real sentiments on so delicate a point; you may have a difficulty in endeavouring to sound any of them; and I know not whether there are any whose integrity and good sense you would trust sufficiently to communicate with them on such points; but it is possible that you may find opportunities of doing so without committing yourself too far. At all events, you can compare what I have stated with the result of your own experience and observation of Mr.

It may seem premature to proceed already to talk of the person to succeed before the preliminary point is ascertained. In mentioning it, however, I do not mean to anticipate your decision on the prudence of making the change (in which my own opinion is in no degree settled), but I wish, in order to avoid delay (whatever may be the final result), that the whole subject should be at once before you. I need hardly say, that, if the change should take place, any person whom you could select for this trust would be sure to be at once acquiesced in here. But from what has passed formerly I must doubt whether you have any one to name, Fitzherbert being, from his situation, so far out of the question. Only three names have occurred to me, which I mention to you that you may turn them in your mind. The first is W. Grenville; † I do not know that he would take it, and rather suppose that he would not. I think, too, that his near connexion with Lord Buckingham is itself perhaps a sufficient objection, though in temper and disposition he is much the reverse of his brother, and in good sense and habits of business very fit for such a situation. The second I have to name is Steele: I know as little whether he would take it, having never hinted a syllable to him on the subject, and I could very ill spare him from his present situation in the Treasury; but if no other good arrangement could be found, I believe I should make the sacrifice, for such it would be. He has exceeding good abilities, great clearness and discretion, the most manly disposition, the best temper, and most agreeable manners possible, and speaks well in public. The third person is Faulkner, whom I believe you know quite as well as I do. He has the reputation of uncommon cleverness, is very accomplished, and seems a man of spirit. I have had some opportunity of seeing him in business

* Alleyne Fitzherbert. He became Secretary for Ireland under the Duke of Rutland's successor, and in 1801 was created Lord St. Helen's. + William Wyndham Grenville, afterwards Lord Grenville.

The Right Hon. Thomas Steele, for many years Secretary of the Treasury.

at the Privy Council, on occasions which tried his abilities, and have from thence been led to rate him very high. He is, however, reckoned to be of a bad temper; but you would not be exposed to the inconvenience of it, and I should hope he would have sense enough to control it in public. I have now unbosomed myself of everything, and need not repeat, that, as I have written without a shadow of reserve, all I have said is for yourself only. Have the goodness to return me an answer as speedily as you can, after revolving all this in your mind, as the season of the year requires that, one way or other, the business should be soon decided.

I have many other things to write to you upon, but this letter is too long already. I cannot conclude without telling you the pride and satisfaction I take in the credit and honour which, under all the difficulties and disappointments of the time, has resulted to yourself, and which will, I trust, be increased and confirmed in every hour of your government. 'Believe me ever, 'My dear Duke, Most faithfully and affectionately yours, W. PITT.

[ocr errors]

'P.S.-I must just add (though foreign from the subject of this letter) that the situation of our finances here proves flourishing beyond almost what could be expected. We are in possession, from the existing taxes, of a surplus of about 800,000l. for sinking fund already, and it is advancing fast to a clear million.

'I should have stated, that, if the change should take place, every management would be had for Orde's feelings, and it might be made to appear an act of choice in him.'

|

'I am certainly very anxious to forward anything you think material for the ease and success of your government, and extremely inclined to concur in showing a marked attention to its steadfast supporters; but I have no difficulty in stating fairly to you, that a variety of circunstances have unavoidably led me to recommend a larger addition to the British Peerage than I like, or than I think quite creditable, and that I am on that account very desirous not to increase it now farther than is absolutely necessary.'

It is remarkable that the large multiplication of honours which has been charged against Mr. Pitt's administration, took place at a subsequent period. We may therefore conclude that in advising or acceding to it, Mr. Pitt consulted rather the growing difficulties of the times than the natural dictates of his judgment.

We may remark, also-not merely as to the point of patronage or promotion, but as to every other subject treated in these pages-how pure appears the mind, how lofty the view of the Great Minister. There is never the least approach-not even on the congenial soil of Ireland-to a job. While he shows every anxiety to gratify his colleagues, or to serve his friends, all his determinations, all his expressions, bear the stamp of the noblest public spirit.

Among the few persons for whose employment Mr. Pitt himself expresses a wish in these pages, it is interesting to trace the No copy of the Duke's reply to this let-name of one who has since attained such ter is preserved among his papers, but it appears to have entirely acquitted Mr. Orde from blame, since Mr. Pitt, in his next communication (Nov. 13, 1785) thus rejoins:

*I am, be assured, infinitely happy at finding the suggestions I had thought myself obliged to communicate to you, to so great a degree contradicted. Every idea of Mr. Orde's retirement will be totally laid aside in my mind.'

high renown in the public service, and who still survives in a green and honoured old age-the then Earl of Mornington, the present Marquess Wellesley. In a letter of August 9th, 1784 (Lord Mornington being then but twenty-four years of age) Mr. Pitt says:

The immediate object I have in writing at this moment is to state to you some circum stances relative to Lord Mornington, and to beg you to let me know how far the ideas I have It may easily be supposed that-the conceived on the subject correspond with yours. scene being laid at Dublin--there is no I find he considers himself as entitled, from aslack of applications for place and promo-surances he received both from you and me tion. These the Lord Lieutenant, as was his duty, transmits to the Prime Minister. In one communication (June 16, 1784) he observes: You are so unused to receive letters which contain no application, that if it were for form's sake only I must recommend' and then follows the name of 'a friend.' Foremost among such as these come demands for Irish Marquisates, or English Baronies, from noblemen of large parliamentary interest at Dublin. But to such requests Mr. Pitt states a strong objection (July 19, 1786):

(either personally or through Lord Temple), before you went to Ireland, to expect the earthat country which its circumstances would adliest mark of the favour of government in mit of. He expresses a full disposition to have made every allowance for the exigencies of a new government, at so critical a time, but I think he seems to imagine that there was an appearance of his pretensions being postponed, either without sufficient grounds, or without supposed he had a claim to. He seems at the their being so confidentially stated to him as he

same time to feel a real zeal for the interests and credit of your government, and a strong sense of the marks of your personal friendship.

I am very anxious, for all our sakes, that there | In short, it involves a great political settlement should be no misapprehension on the subject, worthy of the decision of your clear and incomboth from a high opinion of him, and from feeling parable judgment.' (as I am sure you will) a great desire that anything like an engagement, or even a reasonable expectation, should not be disappointed.'

And on the 15th of August following the Duke of Rutland thus replies:

per

The letter of Mr. Pitt in reply is haps the most remarkable of this whole collection. It is dated Burton Pynsent, November 7th, 1786.

On the

'I can have no hesitation of saying that Lord 'I have thought very much since I received Mornington shall have the first office which may land, on the subjects suggested in that and your your letter respecting the general state of Irefall worthy of his acceptance. His merits are official letters to Lord Sydney. The question very great, which I am sure I am one of the which arises is a nice and difficult one. first men to allow. Lord Mornington, as I have always stated to him, stands first one hand, the discontent seems general and rootfor whatever may offer. I have his interested, and both that circumstance and most of the much at heart, as well from private regard as from a conviction of his powers to render the public essential service.'

One of the most important and most difficult subjects which engaged the Duke's attention was that of Irish tithes, on which we find him (September 13th, 1786) refer

to Mr. Pitt for direction :

6

accounts I hear seem to indicate that there is

some real grievance at bottom, which must be removed before any durable tranquillity can be secured. On the other hand, it is certainly a delicate thing to meddle with the Church Establishment in the present situation of Ireland; and anything like concession to the dangerous spirit which has shown itself is not without objection. But on the whole, being persuaded

that Government ought not to be afraid of incurring the imputation of weakness, by yielding in reasonable points, and can never make its stand effectually till it gets upon the right ground, I think the great object ought to be, to ascertain fairly the true causes of complaint, to hold out a sincere disposition to give just redress, and a firm determination to do no more, taking care in the interval to hold up vigorously the execution of the law as it stands (till altered by Parliament), and to punish severely (if the means can be found) any tumultuous attempt to violate it.

The question of the tithes, with the commotions of the Whiteboys, will, I am apprehensive, form business for a very tedious session. A parliamentary investigation into the causes of their complaints will certainly take place, and is indeed become necessary. It is of the utmost consequence to prevent this question from falling into the hands of opposition, who would employ it to the most mischievous purposes, and who might raise a storm which it would not be easy to direct. This business is of extreme de- 'I certainly think the institution of tithe, eslicacy and complication. We have the most pecially if vigorously enforced, is a great obstarooted prejudices to contend with. The episco- cle to the improvement and prosperity of any pal part of the clergy consider any settlement as country. Many circumstances in practice have a direct attack on their most ancient rights, and made it less so here; but even here it is felt; as a commencement of the ruin of their estab- and there are a variety of causes to make it sit lishment; whereas many individual clergymen, much heavier on Ireland. I believe, too, that it who foresee no prospect of receiving any pro- is as much for the real interest of the Church as perty at all under the present system, are ex- for that of the land to adopt, if practicable, some tremely desirous of a fair adjustment. The other mode of provision. If from any cause the Established Church, with legions of Papists on Church falls into general odium, Government one side and a violent Presbytery on the other, will be more likely to risk its own interests than must be supported, however, decidedly, as the to save those of the Church by any efforts in its principles that combinations are to compel favour. If, therefore, those who are at the head measures must be exterminated out of the of the clergy will look at it soberly and dispas country and from the public mind; at the same sionately, they will see how incumbent it is uptime the country must not be permitted to con- on them, in every point of view, to propose some tinue in a state little less than war, when a temperate accommodation; and even the apsubstantial grievance is alleged to be the cause. pearance of concession, which might be awkThe majority of the laity, who are at all times ward in Government, could not be unbecoming ready to oppose tithes, are likewise strong advo- if it originated with them. The thing to be aim cates for some settlement. On the whole it ed at, therefore, seems, as far as I can judge of forms a most involved and difficult question; on it, to find out a way of removing the grievances all hands it is agreed that it ought to be investi- arising out of a tithe, or, perhaps, to substitute gated: but then it is problematical whether some new provision in lieu of it; to have such any effectual remedy can be applied without a plan cautiously digested (which may require endangering the Establishment, which must be guarded; and next, whether any arrangement could be suggested which the Church (who must be consulted) would agree to, adequate to the nature and extent of the evil complained of.

much time), and, above all, to make the Church itself the quarter to bring forward whatever is proposed. How far this is practicable must depend upon many circumstances, of which you can form a nearer and better judgment, particu

larly on the temper of the leading men among the clergy. I apprehend you may have a good deal of difficulty with the Archbishop of Cashel; the Primatet is, I imagine, a man to listen to temperate advice: but it is surely desirable that you should have as speedily as possible a full communication with both of them; and if you feel the subject in the same light that I do, that, while you state to them the full determination of Government to give them all just and honourable support, you should impress them seriously with the apprehension of their risking everything if they do not in time abandon ground that is ultimately untenable.

To suggest the precise plan of commutation which might be adopted is more than I am equal to, and is premature; but in general I have never seen any good reason why a fair valuation should not be made of the present amount of every living, and a rent in corn to that amount to be raised by a pound rate on the several tenements in the parish, nearly according to the proportion in which they now contribute to tithe. When I say a rent in corn, I do not actually mean paid in corn, but a rent in money regulated by the average value from time to time of whatever number of bushels is at present equal to the fair value of the living. This would effectually prevent the Church from suffering by the fluctuations in the value of money, and it is a mode which was adopted in all college leases, in consequence, I believe, of an act of Parliament in the time of Queen Elizabeth. I need not say that I throw out these ideas in personal confidence to yourself; and I shall wish much to know what you think of them, and whether you can make anything of your prelates, before any measure is officially suggested. It seems material that there should be the utmost secrecy till our line is decided upon, and it must be decided upon completely before Parlia

ment meets.

"Yours faithfully and sincerely,

'W. PITT.'

We have been greatly struck at observing how closely the proposal thus hastily thrown out resembles the plan on which the English Tithe Commutation Act was recently framed. What deep heart-burnings-what violent collisions-might have been spared had Mr. Pitt's enlightened policy prevailed fifty years before!

Other questions of paramount importance that are discussed between the Duke and the Minister refer to the celebrated commercial propositions. We may trace in these letters their gradual growth and development in the mind of Mr. Pitt. He states his first impressions as follows:

* Dr. Charles Agar, afterwards translated to the Archbishopric of Dublin. In 1795 he was created Lord Somerton, and in 1806 Earl of Normanton.

Dr. Richard Robinson, Archbishop of Armagh. He had been, in 1777, created Lord Rokeby.

'Mr. Pitt to the Duke of Rutland. [Private.] Putney Heath, Oct. 7, 1784.

The

My dear Duke,-I have been intending every day for some time past to trouble you with a letter; though in many respects I cannot write so fully as the important subjects in question require, till I receive materials of information which I expect from the result of Mr. Orde's inquiries, and from the various questions I have persecuted him with. I am in hopes now that your situation is such as to allow a little more respite from the incessant calls of the day, and to furnish leisure for going forward in the great and complicated questions we have to settle before the meeting of Parliament. I have desultorily, at different times, stated in my letters to him the ideas floating in my mind, as the subjects in question carried me to them; and I have not troubled you with any repetition of them, because I knew you would be acquainted with them as far as they were worth it, and they certainly were neither distinct nor digested enough to deserve being written twice. I feel, however, notwithstanding the difficulty of deciding upon many of the delicate considerations which present themselves in the arduous business you have in your hands, that a plan must be concerted on all the points, and as far as possible adapted to all the contingencies that may happen, before the meeting of Parliament. commercial points of discussion, though numerous and comprehensive, may certainly be ascer tained and reduced to clear principles by diligent investigation. The internal question of Parliamentary reform, though simpler, is perhaps more difficult and hazardous; and the line of future permanent connexion between the two countries must be the result of both the preceding questions, and of such arrangements as must accompany a settlement of them. I am revolv ing these in every shape in my mind; and when I have had the information which I hope to receive in Mr. Orde's next packets, I trust I shall be able to send you the best result of my judgment, which I shall wish to submit to your private consideration, in order to learn confidentially the extent of your ideas on the whole plan to be pursued, before it is formally brought under the consideration of the Cabinet here. I own to you the line to which my mind at present inclines (open to whatever new observations or arguments may be suggested to me) is, to give Ireland an almost unlimited communication of commercial advantages, if we can receive in return some security that her strength and riches will be our benefit, and that she will contribute from time to time in their increasing proportions to the common exigencies of the em pire; and--having, by holding out this, removed, I trust, every temptation to Ireland to consider her interest as separate from England-to be ready, while we discountenance wild and unconstitutional attempts, which strike at the root of all authority, to give real efficacy and popularity to Government by acceding (if such a line can be found) to a prudent and temperate reform of Parliament, which may guard against or radically cure real defects and mischiefs, may show a sufficient regard to the interests and even prejudices of individuals who are concerned, and

« AnteriorContinuar »