The winter was passed by Joan chiefly at the woman of La Rochelle. She, therefore, the King's Court in Bourges, or Mehun-sur- strongly counselled the King to send the preYevre, in the neighbourhood of Bourges. In tended prophetess home, to keep her houseDecember the King granted letters patent of nobility to her family and herself, with the privilege of bearing the Lily of France for their arms.* At the same inclement season, she again distinguished herself in assaults upon the citadels of St. Pierre Le Moutier and La Charité. hold and to nurse her children.' It does not appear how far either the King or the lady followed this good advice. The further fortunes of Catherine are nowhere to be found recorded.* At the return of spring, Charles, still preferring pleasure to glory, could not be induced But the most singular event of this period to take the field in person. But, like the was the appearance at Court of another holy captain' who fled full soon,' in Mr. Canning's woman, declaring herself, like Joan, to be in- ballad, 'he bade the rest keep fighting!' His spired. Her name was Catherine, and she troops passed the Loire, and marched into came from La Rochelle with a mission, she the northern provinces, but in diminished said, not of war but of wealth. For her ob numbers, with no prince of the blood or chief ject was, by preaching to the people, to per- of high name to lead them, and aiming appasuade them to offer their money to the King; rently at no object of importance. In some and she alleged that she was able to distin- desultory skirmishes the Maid displayed her guish those who kept their treasures conceal- wonted valour, and struck the enemy with ed. She, too, like the Maid of Orleans, had the same terror as before. The Duke of her visions; often seeing in them, as she Gloucester found it necessary to issue a prostated, a white lady clothed all in gold-the clamation to reassure his troops: it is dated dress being certainly no unfit emblem of the May 3, 1430, and is still preserved, denoting, mission! To a King, with craving courtiers in its very title, the barbarous Latin of the and an empty exchequer, such a mission middle ages:-Contra capitaneos et solda could not be otherwise than welcome. But rios tergiversantes, incantationibus Puellæ we may remark, that Joan, from the first, en- terrificatos. tertained a strong distrust-a professional On leaving Picardy in the preceding jealousy it might perhaps be called-of her year, Charles had confided his newly-acquired sister-prophetess. She asked to be shown fortress of Compiegne to the charge of Guilthe white lady. Catherine replied, that her laume de Flavy, a captain of tried bravery, visions came only in the hours of darkness, but even beyond his compeers in that age, and that Joan might be a witness to them by harsh and pitiless. He was now besieged remaining with her at that time. All night, by the Duke of Burgundy, at the head of accordingly, the Maid of Orleans watched by a powerful army. Joan, hearing of his dan her side, in fruitless expectation of the pro-ger, courageously resolved to share his formised sight; but having fallen asleep towards tunes, and threw herself into the place on the morning, Catherine declared that the white 24th of May, accompanied by Xaintrailles, lady had appeared in that very interval. De- Chabannes, Valperga, and other knights of termined not to be baffled in this manner, renown. The very evening of her arrival Joan lay down to sleep the whole of the next day, that she might be sure to be wakeful at night; and wakeful she was accordingly, always urging Catherine with the question'Is she coming soon?' and always answered -'Soon, soon.' But nothing appeared. The argument drawn from these facts did not appear altogether conclusive, even in that superstitious age, since Joan was not able, any more than Catherine, to display her visions to others. Several persons stated this objection to Joan herself but she readily replied, that they were not sufficiently righteous and holy to see what she had seen. Nevertheless, to end this controversy, she declared, that she had consulted her saints, Catherine and Margaret, who had told her, that there was nothing but folly and falsehood in These letters patent are printed in M. Petitot's Collection, vol. viii., p. 333, she headed the garrison in a sally on the side Charles VII., loin de prendre lui même le commandement de son armée, n'y envoya pas même un des princes du sang ou quelqu'un des grands nétable de s'y rendre.' La Pucelle s'y trouva done seigneurs de sa cour, et ne permit point au Conassociée uniquement avec des aventuriers brutaux, mal pourvus d'argent ou de munitions, et qui ne voulaient se soumettre à aucune discipline.'—(Sismondi, vol. xiii., p. 159 le plus thirant, et faisant plus de thirannies et horFlavy etoit vaillant homme de guerre, mais ribles qu' on pust faire, comme prendre filles, malgré tous ceulx qui en vouloient parler, les violer, faire mourir gens sans pitié et les rouer. Mémoires de Duclercq. The English were however impatient to hold the prisoner in their own hands; and in the month of November, 1430, she was purchased from John of Luxemburg for a sum of ten thousand livres. Her cruel treatment in the new captivity is well described by M. de Barante: -- 'Jeanne fut conduite à Rouen où se trouvait herself maintaining the post of honour, the | from the summit of her prison tower, but was last of the rear-guard. Never had she shown taken up senseless on the ground. She aftergreater intrepidity: but as she approached wards declared, in her examinations, that her the town-gate she found it partly closed, so 'Voices' had dissuaded her from this attempt, that but few could press in together; confu- but had consoled her under its failure. sion spread amongst her friends, less eager to succour her than to save themselves, and she found herself surrounded by her enemies. Still she made those before her recoil, and might have effected her retreat, when an archer from Picardy, coming up from behind, seized her by her coat of crimson velvet, and drew her from her horse to the ground. She struggled to rise again and reached the outer fosse: there, however, she was overpowered, and compelled to surrender to Lionel, a bastard of Vendone,* and a soldier in the company of John of Luxemburg. The battlements of Compiegne have long since mouldered away; choked by the fallen fragments, the fosse is once more level with the plain; even the old bridge has been replaced by another higher up the stream-yet, amidst all these manifold changes, the precise spot of the catastrophe-we gazed upon it but a few weeks since-is still pointed out by popular tradition to the passing stranger. le jeune Roi Henri et toute le gouvernement des Anglais. Elle fut menée dans la grosse tour fer, et on lui mit les fers aux pieds. Les archers "du château; on fit forger pour elle une cage de Anglais qui la gardaient l'insultaient grossièrement, et parfois essayerent de lui faire violence. Ce n'était pas seulement les gens du commun qui se montraient cruels et violens envers elle. Le Sire de Luxembourg, dont elle avait été prisonnière, passant à Rouen, alla la voir dans sa de Strafford. "Jeanne," dit-il, en plaisantant, prison avec le Comte de Warwick et le Comte "je suis venu te mettre à rançon; mais il faut promettre de ne t'armer jamais contre nous." "Ah, mon Dieu, vous vous riez de moi," ditelle, vous n'en avez ni le vouloir ni le pouvoir. Je sais bien que les Anglais me feront mourir, France, mais fussent-ils cent mille Goddam de croyant après ma mort gagner le royaume de plus qu'à present, ils n'auront pas ce royaume." Irrité de ces parolles, le Comte de Strafford tira sa dague pour la frapper, et ne fut arrêté que par le Comte de Warwick.' The news of Joan's captivity struck the English and their partizans with a joy proportionate to their former terrors. The service of Te Deum' was celebrated at Paris, by order of the Duke of Bedford, and in token of general thanksgiving. Meanwhile the dejection of the French soldiery was not unmingled with whispered suspicions that their officers and especially Guillaume de Flavy -had knowingly and willingly exposed her to danger, from envy of her superior renown. For a long time there was no positive proof against Flavy but at length he was murdered by his own wife, who, when put upon her trial, pleaded and proved that he had resolved to betray Joan of Arc to the enemy; and this defence, though wholly irrelevant to the question at issue, was in that barbarous age admitted by the judges.† 66 The forebodings of the unhappy woman were but too true; her doom was indeed already sealed. Had she been put to death as a prisoner of war, the act, however repugnant to every dictate of justice and humanity, would not have been without precedent or palliation, according to the manners of that age. Thus, as we have seen, the English captives at Jargeau had been deliberately put to the sword after their surrender, to avert some disputes as to their ransom. Thus also there is still extant a letter from an English admiral, Winnington, stating his determinaThe captive heroine was first conducted to tion to kill or drown the crews of one hundred the quarters of John of Luxemburg, and trans- merchantmen which he had taken, unless the ferred in succession to the prisons of Beau- council should deem it better to preserve their revoir, Arras, and Le Crotoy, at the mouth lives. Nay, Joan herself was charged, of the Somme. She made two intrepid at- although unjustly, with having sanctioned tempts at escape. Once she had broken a this practice in the case of Franquet, a Burpassage through the wall, but was arrested gundian freebooter, who fell into her hands, on her way, and still more closely confined. and was hanged shortly before her own captiAnother time she threw herself headlong vity. But the conduct of Joan's enemies has Not Vendome, as most writers have supposed. not even the wretched excuse which such The place meant is now called Wandomme, in the past inhumanities might supply. Their obDépartement du Pas de Calais. (Quicherat, Procès de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i., p. 13.) † Supplément aux Mémoires (Collection, vol. viii., p. 287). Fenn's Collection of Letters, vol. i., p. 213. Dr. Lingard has pointed out this passage in his History of England. ject was not only to wreak their vengeance It will, we trust, be acknowledged that, in upon the Maid for their former losses, but to our statement of this trial, we have neither dediscredit her in popular opinion, to brand her nied nor palliated its evil deeds. But when we (we quote the very words of Bedford) as 'a find them urged by some French writers, even disciple and lymbe of the fiende that used at the present day, as an eternal blot upon false enchauntments and sorcerie, and to the English name—as a still subsisting cause lower and taint the cause of Charles VII. by of national resentment-we may perhaps be connecting it with such unhallowed means. allowed to observe, in self-defence, that the They therefore renounced any rights of war worst wrongs of Joan were dealt upon her by which they possessed over her as their pri- the hands of her own countrymen. Her most soner, to claim those of sovereignty and juris- bitter enemy, the Bishop of Beauvais, was a diction as their subject, which she never had Frenchman; so was his colleague, the vicarbeen, and resolved to try her before an eccle- general of the inquisition; so were both the siastical tribunal on the charge of witchcraft. malignant Estivet and the perfidious L'Oise They found a fitting tool for their purpose in leur-the judges, the accuser, and the spy! Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, who was Even after this large deduction, there will wholly devoted to their interest, and who pre- still remain a heavy responsibility against the sented a petition for the trial on the frivolous English authorities-both civil and religious pretext that she had been made prisoner with--against the Duke of Bedford and the Cardiin his diocese. The University of Paris nal of Winchester. was so far misled by party views as to join in On the 21st of February, 1431, Joan was the same request. The Bishop himself was brought for the first time before her judges. appointed the first judge; the second was She underwent, nearly on successive days, Jean Lemaitre, vicar-general of the inquisi- fifteen examinations. The scene was the tion; and the office of public advocate or ac- castle-chapel at Rouen; and she appeared cuser devolved upon Estivet, a canon of Beau- clad, as of yore, in military attire, but loaded vais. The tribunal thus formed, and directed with chains. Undepressed, either by her to hold its sittings at Rouen, was also attended fallen fortunes or by her long and cruel capby nearly one hundred doctors of theology, tivity, she displayed in her answers the same who had not, like the Bishop and vicar-gen- courageous spirit with which she had defended eral, votes in the decision, but who gave their Orleans and stormed Jargeau. Nor was it counsel and assistance when required, under courage only; her plain and clear good sense the title of assessors. often seemed to retrieve her want of education, and to pierce through the subtle wiles and artifices elaborately prepared to ensnare her. Thus, for example, she was asked whether she knew herself to be in the grace of God? Had she answered in the affirmative, then arrogance and presumption would forthwith have been charged upon her; if in the negative, 6 Unjustifiable as this trial appears in its general scope and design, it was further darkened in its progress by many acts of fraud and violence, and an evident predetermination to condemn. A private investigation, similar to those at Poitiers, and with the same result, having been appointed, the Duke of Bedford is said to have concealed himself in a neigh- she would have been treated as guilty by her bouring apartment, and looked on through a own confession. It is a great matter,' she rent in the wall. A priest, named Nicolas said, 'to reply to such a question.' So great L'Oiseleur, was instructed to enter the prison a matter,' interposed one of the assessors, of Joan, to represent himself as her country- touched with pity-his name deserves to be man from Lorraine, and as a sufferer in the recorded, it was Jean Fabry-'that the pricause of King Charles; thus, it was hoped, soner is not bound in law to answer it.' 'You gaining upon her confidence, giving her false had better be silent,' said the Bishop of Beaucounsels, and betraying her under the seal of vais fiercely to Fabry: and he repeated the confession into some unguarded disclosures. question to Joan. 'If I am not in the grace A burgher of Rouen was sent to Domremy of God,' she said, 'I pray God that it may to gather some accounts of her early life; but, be vouchsafed to me; if I am, I pray God as these proved uniformly favourable, they that I may be preserved in it.' were suppressed at the trial. In like manner, many answers tending to her vindication were garbled or omitted in the written reports. She was allowed neither counsel nor adviser. In short, every artifice was used to entrap, every threat to overawe, an untaught and helpless girl. Thus again she was asked whether the Saints of her visions, Margaret and Catherine, hated the English nation? If the answer was that they did, such partiality would ill beseem the glorified spirits of heaven, and the imputation of it might be punished as blasphemy: but if Joan should reply that they did not, the retort was ready; Why then did they send you forth to fight against | declares that she herself was this angel; in us ?' She answered, 'They love whatever others again, she appears to confound the imGod loves, and hate whatever he hates.' aginary crown of the vision with the real one 'Does God then hate the English?' pursued at Rheims. In short, this was clearly one the inexorable Bishop of Beauvais. Whe- main-spring of her enthusiasm, or a morbid ther God may love or may hate the English, point in her mind, where judgment and memoI know not; but I know that they shall be ry had been overpowered by imagination. driven forth from this realm by the King of France-all but those who shall die in the field.' No proof or presumption, however, to confirm the charges of sorcery could be deduced from her own examinations or from any other. The two points on which Joan's enemies So plain and candid had been the general tenand judges (the terms are here synonymous) our of her answers, that it being referred to the mainly relied were-first, the Tree of the assessors whether or not she should be put to Fairies,' near Domremy: and, secondly, the the rack, in hopes of extorting further revelabanner borne by herself in battle. Both tions, only two were found to vote in favour of these it was attempted to connect with of this atrocious proposal, and of these two evil spirits or magical spells. As to the first, one was the traitor-priest L'Oiseleur! It is Joan replied, clearly and simply, that she said that one of our countrymen present at had often been round the tree in procession with the other maidens of the village, but had never beheld any of her visions at that spot. With regard to the banner, she declared that she had assumed it in battle on purpose to spare the lance and the sword; that she wished not to kill any one with her own hand, and that she never had. But she was closely pressed with many other questions: 'When you first took this banner, did you ask whether it would make you victorious in every battle? The voices,' answered she, told me to take it without fear, and that God would help me.' Which gave the most help; you to the banner, or the banner to you?' Whether victory came from the banner or from me, it belonged to our Lord alone.' 'Was the hope of victory founded on the banner or on yourself?' 'It was founded on God and on naught besides.' If another person had borne it, would the same success have followed?' 'I cannot tell; I refer myself to God.' the trial was so much struck with the evident good faith of her replies, that he could not forbear exclaiming, A worthy woman-if she were only English !'† Her judges, however, heedless of her innocence, or perhaps only the more inflamed by it, drew up twelve articles of accusation upon the grounds of sorcery and heresy, which articles were eagerly confirmed by the University of Paris. On the 24th of May, 1431-the very day on which Joan had been taken prisoner the year before-she was led to the churchyard before Saint Ouen, where two scaffolds had been raised; on the one stood the Cardinal of Winchester, the Bishop of Beauvais, and several prelates; the other was designed for the Maid, and for a preacher named Erard. The preacher then began his sermon, which was filled with the most vehement invectives against herself; these she bore with perfect patience, but when he came to the words, Your King, that heretic and that schismatic,' she could not forbear exclaiming aloud, 'Speak of me, but do not speak of the King; he is a good Christian.. Why were you chosen sooner than another? 'It was the pleasure of God that thus a simple maid should put the foes of the King to flight.' By my faith, sir, I can swear to you, 'Were not you wont to say, to encourage as my life shall answer for it, that he is the the soldiers, that all the standards made in sem- noblest of all Christians, and not such as you blance of your own would be fortunate?' I say.' The Bishop of Beauvais, much incensused to say to them, "Rush in boldly among the ed, directed the guards to stop her voice, and English ;" and then I used to rush in myself.' the preacher proceeded. At his conclusion, The clearness and precision of her replies a formula of abjuration was presented to Joan on these points stand forth in strange contrast to the vague and contradictory accounts which she gives of her first interview with the King. On this topic she at first refuses to answer altogether, saying that she is forbidden by her Voices. But afterwards she drops mysterious hints of an angel bringing a crown to Charles from heaven; sometimes saying that the King alone had beheld this vision, and sometimes that it had been before many witnesses. In other examinations she p. 294.) for her signature. It was necessary in the first place, to explain to her what was the meaning of the word abjuration; she then *De Barante, vol. vi., p. 121; and Quicherat, Procès de Jeanne d' Arc, vol. i., passim. This is a recent and well-edited collection of the original documents referring to the trial. The second volume has not yet appeared. (Supplément aux Mémoires, Collection, vol. viii., C'est une bonne femme-si elle était Anglaise!' exclaimed that she had nothing to abjure, for But whether the means employed in this At daybreak, on the 30th of May, her confessor, Martin l'Advenu, was directed to enter her cell, and prepare her for her coming doom-to be burned alive that very day in the market-place of Rouen. At first hearing this barbarous sentence, the Maid's firmness forsook her for some moments; she burst into piteous cries, and tore her hair in agony, loudly appealing to God, 'the great Judge,' against the Nor was it designed that her life should in- wrongs and cruelties done her. But ere long deed be spared. Her enemies only hoped, regaining her serene demeanour, she made by a short delay and a pretended lenity, to her last confession to the priest, and received palliate the guilt of her murder, or to heap a the Holy Sacrament from his hands. At heavier load upon her memory. She had nine o'clock, having been ordered to array promised to resume a female dress; and it herself for the last time in female attire, she is related that a suit of men's apparel was was placed in the hangman's car, with her placed in her cell, and her own removed du- confessor and some other persons, and was ring the night, so that she had no other escorted to the place of execution by a parchoice next morning but to clothe herself ty of English soldiers. As she passed, there again in the forbidden garments. Such is happened another touching incident to this the common version of the story. But we touching story: the forsworn priest, the greatly fear that a darker and a sadder tale wretched L'Oiseleur, who had falsely sought remains behind. A priest, named Martin her confidence, and betrayed her confession, l'Advenu, who was allowed to receive her now moved by deep remorse, threw himself confession at this period, and to shrive her in her way to own his guilt and implore her in her dying moments, was afterwards exam- forgiveness.* At the market-place (it is now ined at the trial of revision, and declared that adorned by a statue to her memory) she an English lord (un millouri d' Angleterre) found the wood ready piled, and the Bishop had entered her prison and attempted vio- of Beauvais, with the Cardinal of Wincheslence; that on his departure she was found ter and other prelates, awaiting their victim. with her face disfigured and in tears; and First a sermon was read, and then her senthat she had resumed men's apparel as a more tence: at this her tears flowed afresh, but she effectual safeguard to her honour.‡ knelt down to pray with her confessor, and asked for a cross. There was none at hand, and one was sent for to a neighbouring church; meanwhile an English soldier made another by breaking his staff asunder, and this cross she devoutly clasped to her breast. Deposition, at the trial of Revision, of Massieu, a priest and rural dean, who had stood by her side on the scaffold. (Quicherat, Procès, vol. i., p. 8.) † Au pain de douleurs et à l'eau d'angoisse.' (Collection des Mémoires, vol. viii., p. 304.) Compare Sismondi, vol. xiii., p. 190, with the Supplement aux Mémoires (Collection, vol. viii., p. 304.) *Depuis il s'enfuit à Balc, où il mourut subitement.' (Quicherat, Procès, vol. i., p. 6.) |