Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

the great American experiment of cheap erpool of New York: the failure of the -elective and federative government Pennsylvanian bank ruined more fortunes should fail. On the contrary, we think in England than in America; the manufacit of great importance to the future wel- turers of Manchester share more wealth fare of mankind that it should succeed; with Carolina than with Middlesex. We that is, that the general government are not merely brothers and cousins--the should have both constitutional and prac- ties of consanguinity, we know, are not tical authority to ensure peace and justice always the bond of friendship-but we are at home-peace and justice abroad. Our partners-joint tenants, as it were, of the doubts are whether the present elective commerce of the world; and we have had, and federal forms afford a sufficient gua. as we have just hinted, melancholy experantee for those great objects-and in rience that distress on either shore of the these doubts we only concur with the Atlantic must be almost equally felt on wisest and most patriotic of the states- the other. men of America-of the authors of the And why should we quarrel? What are experiment of the very founders of the the grounds or objects of any difference constitution! We have heretofore often between us? We know of but two, or at stated our reasons for thinking that the most three, points of difference on which experiment has never yet reached its the most captious on either side of the Atcrisis-we have vindicated the various lantic have raised even a question-and temporary and local causes which have what are they? Matters which, we firmly tended to preserve the federal government believe, two intelligent and honest nego-the various subsidiary accidents which tiators might settle in a fortnight, and have helped to lubricate the working of which owe their chief interest to their bewhat we suspect to be an imperfect ma-ing made the pretexts of those who wish, chine. These causes and accidents for private or personal objects, to blow up must gradually wear out; and whenever a conflagration. they shall be exhausted-then, and not fully till then, will the intrinsic efficacy of the American system be brought to the test. We ourselves sincerely wish that the day of crisis may be distant, and that some intermediate correctives may be found for that laxity of principle and conflict of authority of which we have had so many recent indications.

One danger, however, both to America and England, may be nearer at hand than any arising from the natural course of circumstances we mean a hostile collision between the two countries-and it is our prayer and our hope that the wisdom of the respective Governments may prevent -and it is, we have no doubt, in their power to do so-so great a misfortune to the civilized world.

The vast importance to the peace and happiness of the world of our relations with the United States will, we hope, be a sufficient apology for our taking this occasion of making some, as we hope, conciliatory observations on these pending questions.

The first is that of the Canadian boundary; and there is, we believe, another boundary question down in the Far West. We are not now going to repeat our recent argument on the Canadian boundary, but we cannot allude to it without expressing our conviction of its utter unimportance to the great American nation, however interesting it may be to the land-jobbers or popularity-hunters of the State of Maine. The difficulty has arisen out of the terms of a treaty made in utter ignorance on It is impossible that any other two in- both sides, and now, by both sides, admitdependent nations can have such a com- ted to be inconsistent and impracticable; munity of interests as England and Amer--what then remains but---if we adhere to ica. In truth, we know of no material and substantial interests in which they are opposed-nay, in which they are separated: their origin, their laws, and their language are the same; their business, their prosperity, are identified: New York is but a suburb of Liverpool, or, if you will, Liv

this bungled treaty at all--to look to the intention and meaning of the parties? On this point we beg leave, as the best argument we can use, to reproduce once more a diagram of the disputed and the adja. cent territories.

[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]

suspect a great people of such dog-in-themanger policy as to stickle for that which can be of little or no advantage to them, and yet is an absolute necessity to us.

The shaded triangular space, CA B, of it would be intolerably injurious to represents the disputed territory; and America? and, in the same way, surely the can any rational man believe that it was Americans must see that the possession of the intention of the parties to protrude an uncultivated waste between Nova Scothis shapeless and incongruous horn up tia and Canada, though of no possible use into the regions watered by the River St. to them as a nation, is of absolute necessiJohn-cutting off the course of that river ty to the British colonies. We cannot from its maritime outlet, and blocking up the direct communication between the capitals and territories of our most important North American colonies? No man does or can believe so monstrous a pro- The territorial question on the extreme position--General Jackson did not: Mr. west coast of America has not yet taken, Secretary Livingston did not; and we that we know of, a decided shape, nor excannot but hope that some arrangement, cited, we believe, any strong feeling in on the fair, rational, and honourable basis either country-it may therefore, we pre(as we understand it) proposed by those sume, be speedily settled, and its details gentlemen, may be still practicable. The as far as we have heard of any---seem principle of the treaty was rationally con- to us of easy arrangement, and certainly ceived, though it was so unfortunately and they do not warrant any apprehensions of obscurely expressed-namely, that the par- a serious difference between the two naty which possessed the mouth of a river tions. We only mention it that we may should also possess its course, and that omit nothing that is debated or debateathe boundary-line should pass between the ble between us. sources of the rivers which eventually flow- But another question more serious in ed through the undisputed territories of its relation to public feeling, though in rethe respective parties. We do not see ality, we think, very little important in that if the present treaty were to be utterly itself, has been recently raised, or, as a thrown aside as unintelligible and imprac- hasty observer might say, revived. We ticable, a more rational basis for a new mean what is-most untruly-called the one could be found; and we still trust that right of searching ships on the high seas in the good sense of America would in a time of peace. Now we set out by sta fresh negotiation see the expediency and ing in the broadest terms, and without fairness of allowing us a direct communi- fear of contradiction, that ENGLAND NEITHcation between our provinces. Let us ER CLAIMS NOR ATTEMPTS TO PRACTICE ANY suppose for a moment that Great Britain SUCH RIGHT; and that the quarrel which a possessed an insulated strip of land lying party in America, echoed we are sorry to between New York and Boston, would it see by a party in France, is endeavouring not be universally felt that, though it could to fix upon us under this pretence, has be of no advantage to England, the want not a shadow of foundation.

[ocr errors]

It is but recently that we have heard of the agitation of this question, and it has reached us in a way that shows clearly the spirit which actuates the parties. It has been stated in the American newspapers (Richmont Inquirer,' and 'New York Commercial Advertiser' of the 15th of November, quoted in the London Morning Post,' of the 2d of December last) that Mr. Stevenson, the late American minister to our court, being recalled on the change of government at Washington, boasted on his return that the most important part of his ministry had been the revival and prosecution of this question, in which he had latterly fired very hot shot, and that his last act had been to throw a bomb-shell into the English cabinet,' on the eve of his departure; and a subsequent New York paper, quoted in the Times of the 17th of December, says

'I mentioned in my last that Mr. Stevenson had written a very severe letter [on the right of search] just before he left England. I hear also more of that now. It was a Parthian arrow, and the ex-minister, it is said, boasts that its point was poisoned, while Lord Palmerston considers the embroiled state of the negotiations as a delightful legacy for him to leave to his Tory successor. The subjects will, I think, occupy a considerable place in the President's message.'

other maritime powers have agreed in de. claring the trading in slaves to be felony and piracy, and they have agreed by special treaties that their respective cruisers shall intercept and send in for adjudication any ships belonging to their respective nations which may be found practising this felony and piracy. America-(and what we say of America equally applies to any other country with which we might not have special treaties on the point)America, though she too has proscribed the slave trade, has not entered into this special compact; and therefore even though a British cruiser should see an American vessel loaded with slaves, it has no right, and pretends to no right whatsoever, to interfere. The American ship in that case would be indeed violating its own laws, but to its own laws it must be left;-the British cruiser has nothing to do in the matter, and does nothing! But it has a right and a duty to see that British ships do not carry on this trade, and it has also, under the special treaties just mentioned, a reciprocal right and a duty to see that Spanish, Portuguese, and Brazilian ships do not commit the prohibited offence. But then, nothing is easier for the British, Spanish, Portuguese, or Brazilian offender, when in danger of detection, than to hoist--for the nonce---an American flag; and some American statesmen pretend that under no circumstances, however suspicious or fraudulent, shall any vessel wearing their flag be questioned. It is well known that the ships of every nation are provided, at the expense of about ten shillings each, with the flags of every other nation; and-if the mere momentary hoisting that bit of stuff were to preclude the possibility of inquiry into the bona fide right of the ship to wear it--there could be no possible check on the abuse. British felons and Brazilian pirates might roam the seas with impunity, by only having one bit of American bunting to hoist whenever they were in dan

We have seen at home such flagrant, and so recent, instances of an outgoing ministry endeavouring to embarrass its successors, that we must admit the possibility of Mr. Stevenson's having intended to embarrass the American administration which had recalled him; but we wholly disbelieve that Lord Palmers. ton-however facetiously he may be disposed to deal with internal questionscould have played any such part as Mr. Stevenson is said to have imputed to him on so serious a point of foreign policy. We are satisfied that it will be found that Mr. Stevenson-if there be any truth at all in the story-stands alone in this species of glory; and that Lord Palmerston, though he may have left a difficult legacy to his successors, did not do so intention-ger of detection. ally. If he had been capable of any such conduct, Mr. Stevenson-whose character as a gentleman has never been impeached-would assuredly not have betrayed the secret. But however that may be, such petty arts and false pretences never can, we hope, involve two great and intelligent nations in serious difficulties; and it is the duty of every honest man to use his best endeavours, whatever they may be, to avert so great a calamity. The case is this: England and certain

All that England says is, that under the ancient and necessary common law of the sea, and according to the ordinary rules of common sense, we are entitled to satisfy ourselves that the ship which hoists those colours is really entitled to hoist them. If she be a bona fide American, though she were chock-full of slaves, we pretend to no right to meddle with herbut we claim a right to see that she is not one of our own ships committing this crime under the additional offence of fraudulent

colours. Can any rational man deny the would be placed in constant and general propriety-the necessity of such a right ? peril by so monstrous a doctrine?-And Surely not; and above all, when it is a yet that is really the principle now at is right that we admit to others as freely sue for we say, again and again, we have and as largely as we claim it for ourselves. nothing at all to do with bona fide AmeriBut more than that: we admit-and it cans; all we want is to distinguish, in is a very liberal admission-that the mere suspicious cases, a bonâ fide American from wearing of a national flag ought to be pri- one of our own malefactors, who may have ma facie evidence of nationality; and disguised himself under that flag. And what therefore, in ordinary cases, there neither is the objection to the practice ?--Why is, nor ought to be, any interference. It this--that it may subject an innocent vessel is only when some peculiar circumstan- to vexation and delay. Now we must first ces of suspicion arise that any officer ever observe, that every one conversant with thinks it necessary to ascertain the fact the sea knows that, in genera!, ships have by a closer inspection. We will venture no objection to be spoken-particularly to say, that on all the wide oceans of the in out-of-the-way places: they are, for the globe no vessel under American colours most part, well pleased with a mutual inhas ever been questioned by a British terchange of news, or of letters, often of cruiser save in the comparatively narrow water and provisions, frequently of infor limits in which the slave-trade is rife; and mation as to their local position, or other even within these limits we again say nev- circumstances connected with their safeer-but when there is reason to suspect ty, which one ship may possess more exthat the American flag is but a fraudulent actly than another; and that the delay is colour for a ship of a different country. generally very trifling. Practically, this question has grown out of our Slave-trade legislation and treaties; and the opposition to it has been raised, both in France and America, mainly, we believe, by parties who care nothing about the maritime rights of nations-which they very well know are not in the slightest degree invaded-but who are interested in the slave trade, and know, as every body must do, that if the mere fact of wearing a bit of tricolour or striped bunting were to protect Spanish or Brazilian ships from any kind of inquiry, all our treaties are worse than waste paper, and the slave-trade must become more prosperous than ever.

But this we admit is all mere courtesy, and no ship can have a right to inflict such civilities on another that chooses to decline them; and, no doubt, such visits would sometimes be attended with delay, and therefore vexation. But, let it not be forgotten, first, that the inconvenience, as well as the ultimate advantage, is reciprocal between the nations; and that England can have no interest in subjecting her shipping, equal in number and value to that of all mankind put together, to such delay and inconvenience, if the safety of the seas did not require the exist ence of such a principle-which, though But, in fact, this is not a mere question rarely practised, operates as a general conof the slave-trade; for if the principle trol on robbers, pirates, and buccannow, for the first time, contended for, viz. eers. And it is, moreover, not unthat when a vessel chooses to exhibit,-worthy of note, that the delay and inconhowever suspiciously, however fraudu-venience, such as they may be, are not lently-a national colour, there is no right only reciprocal between the nations, but of question or inquiry-if that principle, between the individual ships, for the visi we say, be admitted, what is to become of tor is inevitably put to more trouble and the safety of the maritime intercourse of delay than the visited--with the additionall mankind? Can it be argued that smug- al mortification, if he has made a mistake, glers in the British seas may escape the that the visitor has had his trouble for his visit of a custom-house cruiser by wear- pains; and is liable, moreover, to serious ing an American jack? Will the Ameri- responsibilities for any injurious delay he can government contend that a pirate in the may happen to cause. Gulf of Mexico, gorged with the plunder, and reeking with the blood of her citizens, is to escape from one of her cruisers, which may have the strongest grounds to suspect his real character, merely by hoisting the red ensign of an English merchantman? and will she deny that the lives and property of mankind on the high seas

But, after all, there may, and indeed occasionally will, be delays, and therefore some degree of vexation; but so there must be from the execution of any law of general surety. Suppose we were to admit-an admission, again, much too libe ral-that the mere flag should be consider ed as a kind of national passport. Does

any American gentleman, travelling on convenience have actually occurred.the continent of Europe, complain, as an We hear of complaints, but we have infraction of the laws of nations, that his never heard the details of any one cause passport is examined at every fortress and frontier, and that the authorities satisfy themselves by inquiries, often very dilatory and vexatious, that the passport is genuine, and that he is the party to whom the passport, if genuine, belongs? and how, à multò fortiori, can a traveller on the waters complain, that, in a very few peculiar places and under very rare circumstances of suspicion, his passport should be looked at?

of complaint, and we suspect that had they been very serious we should have heard more about them but whatever they may be, no one can doubt that every effort ought to be made to prevent, as far as possible, their recurrence. Any British officer, of experience enough to be intrusted with a command, will, in three cases out of four, be able to distinguish at a glance, or by exchanging a word through a trumpet, an American ship The domestic servants of our own sove- from any other that he can have a right reign, and of all foreign ministers, in to visit-except perhaps the British. In England are free from arrest; but if it any case, the inquiry ought to be so conwere discovered that the royal or foreign ducted that in the event of mistake there livery was frequently assumed by male- should be at least no discourtesy, and as factors as a disguise and cover for crime, little delay as possible, to complain of; would it be thought any indignity to our and in the rare cases in which any injurisovereign or to the foreign ambassador ous delay or inconvenience should occur, that the police, meeting a person wearing the officer, or the country, according to their livery in suspicious circumstances, the circumstances, would be held liable should verify his right to wear it? to make good any damages occasioned to And, finally, and perhaps most impor- an innocent party-just as a magistrate tant of all, be it observed that the frequency of the fraud is not denied. The Americans admit, we believe, that the abuse of the American flag is but too common, but they say that it is their business to repress and punish it. But how can that be done? They never do, and, from the nature of the cases, never can see it: the British or Brazilian slave-trader has no object in showing American colours to American cruisers; on the contrary, they are as wary not to do so as they are not to show their proper colours to British cruisers. The party against whom the deception is practised is the only party that can ever see the deception; while an impostor takes especial care to keep out of the way of him that he personates.

In short, there is not in law nor in reason, in principle nor in practice, the slightest colour or excuse for the jealousy which it is endeavoured to raise against England, in a matter where she asks only what she in return admits to all mankind, and which is asked only in the common interest and common safety of the whole maritime world.

or policeman would, in such a case as we have before supposed, have to make reparation to a person whom they should have indiscreetly or erroneously arrested.

There is, however, one point of our system for suppressing the slave-trade which we think objectionable in itself, and still more so as tending to produce the inconveniences which we deprecate we mean the bounty to her Majesty's ships for the re-capture of slaves. These rewards stand, we humbly conceive, on entirely different grounds from belligerent prizes-in an erroneous, as we think, imitation of which they have been established. We will not enter into a detail of the many reasons for which we should wish to see this practice wholly abolished it is sufficient for our present purpose to say that it seems at variance with the spirit of disinterested humanity, which we know, but which foreign nations were, for a long time, so reluctant to believe, to be the real motive of our zeal against slave-trading.

But there is a short and easy mode of arranging this question, which would leave nothing to doubt or accident, and The truth, the plain unvarnished truth would wholly remove all possibility of and common sense will be sufficient to difference between America and us on the dissipate all jealousy about the prin- subject. We mean-a diplomatic arciple; and there are abundant means by rangement between the countries; and which the practical inconvenience may certainly there never was a more propibe reduced almost-if not absolutely--to tious moment for such an experiment. nothing. For this purpose it would be Even as we are writing these lines, we very desirable to know what cases of in- have had the great satisfaction of hearing

« AnteriorContinuar »