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eral Washington. I honour him for his good qualities, but in this house I feel myself his suderior. In private life I shall always acknowledge him to be mine.'-vol. ii., pp. 15, 16.

And all this the editor winds up by saying, with admirable naïveté, that if Washington 'had, like ordinary military heroes, attempted the liberties of his country, Mr. Adams's suspicions of the general would have earned him a high reputation!'

The merits and services of Washington soon subdued all petty cavils; and Adams learned, no doubt, to regard him with proper reverence: but he never seems to speak of him with that entire frankness and cordiality which might have been expected.

It seems strange, after the editor's professions that his publication is a full and candid one, that we find no allusion to one of the most important-to his wife the very most interesting-event of Mr. Adams's career, namely-his removal from Congress and the chairmanship of the Board of War, by a mission to Europe, where he found nothing to do, and during which he was treated with great neglect and discourtesy from home. We cannot help connecting this resolve of Congress, which, we learn aliunde, took place on the 28th of November, with the peculiar sentiments expressed by Mr. Adams in the preceding month about the Commander-in-chief. Are we not justified by this remarkable instance in expressing our wonder how little these letters add to Mr. Adams's biography?

He remained about a year in France, accompanied by his eldest son-the now venerable John Quincy Adams, then eleven years old; but his letters are written with more than his usual caution-now really necessary from the risk of capture. He complains grievously, and, as it would seem, justly, of the neglect he experienced from the government at home; and at last seems to have returned to America without recall or even permission :

'Passy, 27th February, 1779.-The situation in which my masters have left me puzzles me very much. They have said nothing to me. But one set of gentlemen write that I am to go to Spain, another to Holland, a third to Vienna; but, upon the whole, I believe they don't intend to send me to either, but leave me to stay here in a ridiculous situation, or return home, if I can get there. I shall return unless I should receive before the time arrives for the vessel to sail, orders which I can execute with honour, and with a prospect of rendering some service to the public. But of these two last points I will judge for myself.'-vol. ii., p. 53.

And accordingly, he set out a week after the date of his letter, and arrived in America in the summer of 1779. But whether it was that he had done the nothing he had to do in Europe so much to the satisfaction of the Congress-or was likely to do something in America so little to their satisfaction, we cannot tell; but he was in about three months (29th September) re-appointed to the European mission with, as we are told in the biogra phy, a higher rank, and more important object-namely, as minister plenipotentiary, to negotiate a peace, and with authority also to make a commercial treaty with Great Britain. But these powers seem to have been illusory: the first does not appear to have had any immediate consequences; and the latter was certainly revoked. He arrived in France early in 1780, but seems to have been again treated with as little kindness, or even notice, by his masters' as he had been before. He writes on the 7th June,-

'I have no remittances, nor anything to de

pend on : not a line from Congress or any mem ber since I left you [seven months before'.]vol. ii., p. 51.

this mission could only be to get rid of Is it not clear that the main object of him? However, about September, he received--or, if we were to trust the biography, undertook on his responsibility-a mission to Holland, where he resided a year and a half, almost, it seems, as a private person, principally engaged in negomeet the pressing wants of the Congress; tiating loans with individual capitalists to but about April, 1782, he was received in a public character, and in the five followheard from his 'masters'---he negotiated, ing months--during which he had not and at length concluded a treaty with the Dutch Government: but the value of his services was still so scantily acknowledg 4th December, 1782, he wrote to Congress ed, that on his return to Paris, on the a resignation of all his employments, and solicited leave for his immediate return to America. Of this no notice was taken; and he at last made up his mind to return home with or without leave, unless he should receive a commission to the court of St. James's: but that he thought unlikely, for

The same influence, French influence 1 mean, which induced Congress to revoke my commission, will still continue to prevent the revival of it. And I think it likely, too, that English influence will now be added to French,

102.

for I don't believe that George wishes to see my tude or decency refuse.'-vol. ii., pp. 99, 101, face. In this case I shall enjoy the satisfaction of coming where I wish most to be, with all my children, living in simplicity, innocence, and repose.'-vol. ii., p. 92.

We notice particularly this flippant allusion to George,' as a pregnant indication of the predisposition with which Mr. Adams would visit the English court, of the temper in which he was likely to regard the King.

and

His employment at Paris during the spring of 1783, in the most important and honourable office of negotiating the definitive treaty of peace, does not seem to have assuaged his ill humour, nor induced him to recall his resignation:-

Paris, May 30, 1783.-Here I am out of all patience. Not a word from America. The British ministry lingering on. Mr. Hartley uncertain what to do. No regulation of commerce agreed on no definitive treaty of peace signed, or likely to be signed very soon. My spring passage home lost. The total idleness, the perpetual uncertainty we are in, is the most insipid, and at the same time disgusting and provoking, situation imaginable. I had rather be employed in carting street-dust and marsh-mud.'--vol. ii., p. 93.

And again

We advance slowly to the definitive treaty. I can now have no hopes of seeing you before late in the fall. If the acceptance of my resignation arrives, as I expect, and we finish the peace as soon as I can reasonably hope, I shall not now be able to embark before October. If you and your daughter were with me, I could keep up my spirits; but, idly and insipidly as I pass my time, I am weary, worn, and disgusted to death. Í had rather chop wood, dig ditches, and make fences upon my poor little farm.'-vol. ii., PP.

94, 95.

At length, however, a mission to England repairs all:

Of this mission, or of his subsequent residence in London as minister, these Letters give no account whatsoever-as Mrs. Adams---to whom all those letters are addressed---soon joined him and remained with him in Europe till his final return. We have therefore nothing to add to what we said in our former article concerning this period. After an absence of nine years he landed at Boston on the 17th June, 1788, and Congress honoured him with a resolution of Thanks for his able and faithful discharge of various important commissions.'

We have many reasons for thinking and Mrs. Adams parsimonious, if not inthat these thanks appeared both to Mr. vidious but he soon received a more general and cordial testimony of approbation.

On the first election for chief magistrates under the new constitution, March, 1789, Washington was elected President and Adams Vice-President; and they were both re-elected in 1793.

first vice-presidency there are but a couple We have already said that during his of insignificant letters; and it does not appear that there was any great concert or confidence between Washington and Adams; and Adams, towards the close of that period, writes with something of a tone of disappointed ambition :-

I know not how it is, but in proportion as danger threatens I grow calm. I am very apprehensive that a desperate anti-federal party will provoke all Europe by their insolence. But my country has, in its wisdom, contrived for me tion of man contrived, or his imagination conthe most insignificant office that ever the invenceived; and as I can do neither good nor evil, I must be borne away by others, and meet the common fate.'-vol. ii., p. 133.

course.

'Paris, Sept. 7, 1783.---This morning, for the But the violence of this anti-federalist first time, was delivered me the resolution of party, and the atrocity of the French Rev. Congress of the 1st of May, that a commission olution at home, and its audacious insoand instructions should be made out to me, Dr.lence to foreign powers, drew WashingFranklin, and Mr. Jay, to make a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. If this intelligence ton and Adams into more intimate interThe following are the strongest had been sent us by Barney, who sailed from Philadelphia a month after the 1st of May, it indications of this friendly feeling that we would have saved me and others much anxiety. can find:. This resolution of Congress deserves my gratitude. It is highly honourable to me, and 'Philadelphia, Jan. 9, 1794.-Nearly one-half restores me my feelings, which a former pro- the country is in constant opposition to the othceeding had taken away. I am now perfectly er, and the President's situation, which is highcontent to be recalled whenever they think fit, or ly responsible, is very distressing. He made to stay in Europe until this business is finished, me a very friendly visit yesterday, which I reprovided you will come and live with me. . . . turned to-day, and had two hours' conversation You don't probably know the circumstances with him alone in his cabinet. The conversawhich attend this proceeding of Congress. They tion, which was extremely interesting, and equalare so honourable to me, that I cannot in grati-ly affectionate, I cannot explain even by a hint.

But his earnest desire to do right, and his close all intercourse with Great Britain. On application to discover it, his deliberate and this the senate was equally divided; but comprehensive view of our affairs with all the Mr. Adams, who deprecated the political world, appeared in a very amiable and respect- result and was indignant at the secret mo able light. The anti-federalists and the Frenchified zealots have nothing now to do that I can tive, negatived it, and, by this great serconceive of, but to ruin his character, destroy vice to justice as well as to the best interhis peace, and injure his health. He supports ests of his country, proved that his office all their attacks with great firmness; and his was not so entirely unimportant as in health appears to be very good. The Jacobins quieter circumstances it had appeared to would make a sortie upon him, in all the force him. they could muster, if they dared.'-vol. ii., p.

137.

And again--

As Washington's second presidency was wearing out, politicians began to calcu late whether he would retire or go on for a third term. There has been, since that 'Yesterday I dined at the President's, with time, an understanding-though there is ministers of state and their ladies, foreign and no positive rule-that the president shall domestic. After dinner the gentlemen drew off not be elected a third time; and there after the ladies, and left me alone with the Pre- has been no such instance: but at this pesident in close conversation. He detained me there till nine o'clock, and was never more frank riod there was a pretty general opinion and open upon politics. I find his opinions and that General Washington might go on, and sentiments are more exactly like mine than I ever even Mr. Adams himself, when looking knew before, respecting England, France, and forward to the presidency, intimated, with our American parties.'-vol. ii., p. 214. a parade of humility that makes us smile, that he would by no means be persuaded Yet at the time of this first confidential to accept a third election. Washington interchange of opinions on these great kept his intentions very secret, and had questions, Washington and Adams had probably not made up his own mind till been seven years colleagues in the offices about the commencement of his last year. of President and Vice-President. We But if he ever contemplated another tour of really do not wonder that he should have service, the virulence and ingratitude of felt some little dissatisfaction as to the the French faction tired out his equaniminsignificance of his position; but we must ity, and determined him to retire. Dur do him the justice to say that no such feel- ing this period of doubt, we find Mr. Ading was visible in his conduct. He acted ams naturally but sometimes almost com honestly, and, as far as he could, zealous- ically anxious about his chance of the ly, in support of Washington's adminis- great prize-though even to the wife of tration against the political agitation his bosom he atteinpts to keep up a show which the democrats and partisans of the of philosophical and republican indifferFrench were directing against the govern- ence; which, however, was really no ment; and, the senate being almost equal- more than a hedge-to borrow a metaly balanced, his casting voice decided phor from another species of competition some very important questions-one in -to console him in the event of failure. particular, on which he dwells with much He relied, it appears, strongly on the right earnestness, and which, even now, ought of succession, as if John I. ought necessa not to be forgotten. The main object of rily to succeed George I., and he calls the French party was to force Ameri- himself with a semi-serious pleasantry the ca into hostilities with England, and the heir-apparent.' Elected, however, he was accidental collision at sea between the by the good sense of his country, for he British cruisers and American commerce was undoubtedly, if not a cleverer, at least afforded the most plausible and popular an honester and safer politician, as well pretences for a rupture-but these were as a more respectable private man, than with the most influential persons only pre- his strongest antagonist, Mr. Jefferson. tences the real state of the case was that The short foot-notes in which the editor -to Mr. Adams's great and just indig- announces this and the former elections nation-these persons were deeply indebt- as vice-president, do not inform us of the ed to English correspondents, and were majority by which he was chosen, nor pushing on hostilities as a short mode to who were his competitors-nor, strange cancel their liabilities and defraud their to say, could it be anywhere discovered, creditors. One of the most formidable either from note or text, that during his of these attempts was Mr. Clarke's resolu- presidency Mr. Jefferson was vice-Presi tion, in the summer of 1794, to prohibit dent. Our readers will judge of the his

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torical value of a correspondence which | dent very sensibly in his tenderest pointdoes not even allude to so considerable a he cannot tell circumstance.

The account of his inauguration-at which, it seems, no part of his own family was present is curious and interesting in many points, but above all for the slight but striking sketch of his great predeces. sor in this his last, and, we think, greatest public appearance :--

Philadelphia, 5th March, 1797. 'My dearest Friend,-Your dearest friend

never had a more trying day than yesterday. A solemn scene it was indeed, and it was made more affecting to me by the presence of the General, whose countenance was as serene and unclouded as the day. He seemed to me to enjoy a triumph over me. Methought I heard him say, "Ay! I am fairly out and you fairly in! See which of us will be happiest.' When the ceremony was over, he came and made me a visit, and cordially congratulated me, and wished my administration might be happy, successful, and honourable.

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'It is now settled that I am to go into his house. It is whispered that he intends to take French leave to-morrow. I shall write you as fast as we proceed. My chariot is finished, and I made my first appearance in it yesterday. It is simple, but elegant enough. My horses are young, but clever.

whether this weeping was from joy or griefwhether from the loss of their beloved President, Everybody talks of the tears, the full eyes, the trickling eyes, &c., but all is enigma to me. No one descends into particulars to say why or wherefore I am therefore left to suppose that it is all grief for the loss of their beloved!'— vol. ii., P. 247.

or from the accession of an unbeloved one.

What!-John Adams could not under.

stand the emotions of a grateful peoplea people created by Washington's genius and virtue-on seeing the 'beloved' father of his country descending into, as it were, the tomb of retirement! and could fancy in it something of a personal slight to himself!

In the same spirit, though in a less offensive form, he shows his appetite for personal applause, and something like mortification that his accession did not make more noise:

And now, [a fortnight after the inauguration,] the world is as silent as the grave. All the federalists seem to be afraid to approve anybody but Washington. The Jacobin papers damn with faint praise, and undermine with misrepresentation and insinuation. If the federalists go to playing pranks, I will resign the office, and let Jefferson lead them to peace, wealth and power if he will.'-vol. ii., p. 252.

In the chamber of the House of Representatives was a multitude as great as the space could contain, and I believe scarcely a dry eye -but Washington's. The sight of the sun, setting full orbed, and another rising, though less splendid, was a novelty. Chief Justice Ellsworth administered the oath, and with great be quoted) certainly prove that Governor These traits (and many others could energy. Judges Cushing, Wilson, and Iredell were present. Many ladies. I had not slept Hutchinson's early appreciation of his chawell the night before, and did not sleep well racter was strikingly just; and we cease to the night after. I was unwell, and did not wonder at Mrs. Adams's wish that so know whether I should get through or not. accurate a painter were hanged. Il n'y I did, however. How the business was receiv-a que la vérité qui blesse. They also tend ed I know not, only I have been told that Ma- to corroborate the suspicion that the son, the treaty publisher, said we should lose nothing by the change, for he never heard such peculiar sourness with which he always alludes to his diplomatic reception in London may have had its origin in some trivial or perhaps groundless personal jealousy. We say trivial or groundless, because we think that if it had been other. wise it would have been by this time

a speech in public in his life.

All agree that, taken altogether, it was the sublimest thing ever exhibited in America. I am, my dearest friend, most affectionately and kindly yours,

JOHN ADAMS.' Vol. ii, p. 244. But neither the sedative influence of avowed. age, nor his late intercourse with Washing- But bating these weaknesses-for the ton, nor this great personal elevation, exhibition, if intentional, of which we are could altogether cure the innate feeling bound to acknowledge the candour of the which he himself-in confidence to his editor-Mr. Adams won his eminent lady, and probably in the hope of being contradicted by his affectionate partnercalls his egotism and vanity.' It appears that other reporters of the inauguration scene just described had dwelt more largely on the abundant tears shed by the spectators-this report touches the new presi

station honourably, and filled it respectably in talent and honestly in principle. As Mrs. Adams soon joined him at the seat of Government, the letters during his Presidency are few and unimportant, which we the more regret, because the details of Mr. Adams's administration are

but imperfectly known, and are skipped over firing of cannon, and when asked if he as it were by the biographer: we know, knew what day it was, replied- Oh, yes, indeed, generally, that he inherited from the glorious 4th of July! In the fore. Washington the enmity of the French noon he was visited by the orator of the party, and at last found himself forced, as day, the minister of the parish, who found we think, into hostilities with France; him seated in an arm-chair, and asked him from which he had little prospect of re- for a sentiment to be given at the public treating with honour, or of advancing with table. I will give you,' said the patriarch, much hope of ultimate success; but, fortu- Independence for ever! Towards the nately, the profligate sway of the Direc- close of the day he exclaimed Jefferson tory was overthrown, and Buonaparte was survives!' but it was not so-for, strange too happy to relieve his new-born power to say, Jefferson had already died at one from the difficulties and unpopularity of a o'clock of that same day on which Mr. war with America. Adams expired at six in the evening and We believe that Mr. Adams's conduct by a still more wonderful coincidence in all this affair was not only justifiable another ex-President, Monroe, also died but laudable; that indeed it was almost on the same anniversary, in 1830. inevitable; and we regret that we have Mr. Adams was a warm professor of no record of his own personal feelings republican principles, but moderate and and views in that important crisis. It sober in their application: a friend of shook, however, his popularity so much, liberty, but not less the advocate of order that, instead of being pressed, as he once and discipline in the state; and it will be dreamed, to a third presidency, he was happy for his country if his example and even refused a second: towards the close his precepts shall be so far remembered of 1800, Mr. Jefferson, the avowed cham- as to tend to moderate and control that pion of French principles and the head of the French party, was elected in his room; though, in justice to Mr. Adams and his country, we must add, by a majority of only one; and on the 4th of March, 1801, Mr. Adams retired into private life, not unhonoured, though unaccompanied by any of those higher emotions which he had envied to Washington!

Indeed, in reply to a birthday address in 1802, the year after, he reverted with bitterness to the treatment he had re. ceived:

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Under the continual provocations breaking and pouring on me, from unexpected as well as expected quarters, during the two last years of my administration, he must have been more of a modern epicurean philosopher than ever I was or ever will be, to have borne them all without some incautious expressions, at times, of an unutterable indignation.'-Biog. tit.

He, however, was generally and justly respected in his retirement ; and there can be no doubt that his name and fame contributed to the subsequent election of his able and excellent son to the presidential chair-in which he was destined like his father-and from much the same honourable causes-to receive the affront, as it had become, of non-re-election.

spirit of unbounded democracy which has been growing, we fear, in America, and which we believe to be incompatible with any permanent system of rational government.

Mr. Adams expresses on many occa sions his fears on this subject with an earnestness and sagacity that do him honour; and, in spite of his little personal dissatisfaction against England, he was always ready to do ample justice to the merits of our form of Government.

The newspapers have represented my writings as having a monarchical tendency-an aristocratical tendency. In answer to these charges, I only wish to have them read. I have represented the British constitution as the most perfect model that has yet been discovered or invented by human genius and experience for the government of the great nations of Europe. It is a master-piece. It is the only system that has preserved, or can preserve, the shadow, the colour, or the semblance of liberty to the people, in any of the great nations of Europe. Our own constitution I have repretion.-Letter of John Adams to S. Perley, June sented as the best for us, in our peculiar situa 19, 1809.

We agree with Mr. Adams that the constitution of the United States was perhaps the best that they could have Mr. Adams died in 1826, at the venera- adopted in their peculiar situation.' The ble age of ninety-one-very remarkably-only question is whether it will be found on the anniversary of the declaration of so when the 'peculiarity' of that situation Independence. On that morning he was shall have worn out.

aroused by the ringing of bells and We have not the slightest desire that

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