its being France which provoked it, she had, it must be remembered, from the commencement of her revolution, solemnly proclaimed her love of peace, and her disinclination to conquests; her respect for the independence of all governments; and it is not, to be doubted, that, occupied at that time entirely with her own internal affairs, she would have avoided taking part in those of Europe, and would have remained faithful to her declarations.

But from an opposite disposition, as soon as the French Revolution had broken out, almost all Europe entered into a league for its destruction. The aggression was real, a long time before it was public; internal resistance was excited; its opponents were favourably received; their extravagant declamations were supported; the French nation was insulted in the person of its agents, and England set particularly this example, by the dismissal of the Minister accredited to her. Finally, France was in fact attacked in her independence, in her honour, and in her safety, long time before the war was declared.

"Thus, it is to the projects of subjection, dissolution, and dismemberment, which were prepared against her, and the execution of which was several times attempted and pursued, that France has a right to impute the evils which she has suffered, and those which have afflicted Europe. Such projects for a long time, without example, with respect to so powerful a nation, could not fail to bring on the most fatal consequences.

'Assailed on all sides, the Republic could not but extend universally the efforts of her defence; and it is only for the maintenance of her own independence that she has made use of those means which she possessed in her own strength, and the courage of her citizens. As long as she saw that her enemies obstinately refused to recognize her rights, she counted only upon the energy of her resistance; but as soon as they were obliged to abandon the hope of invasion, she sought for means of conciliation, and manifested pacific. intentions; and if these have not always been efficacious, if, in the midst of the critical circumstances of her internal situation, which the revolution and the war have successively brought on, the former depositaries of the Executive Authority in France have not always shewn as much moderation as the nation itself has shewn courage; it must above all be imputed to the fatal and persevering animosity with which the resources of England have been lavished to accomplish the ruin of France.

'But if the wishes of his Britannic Majesty (in conformity with his

assurances) are in unison with those of the French Republic, for the re-establishment of peace, why, instead of attempting the apology of the war, should not attention be rather paid to the means of terminating it? and what obstacles can prevent a mutual understanding, of which the utility is reciprocal and is felt, especially when the First Consul of the French Republic has personally given so many proofs of his eagerness to put an end to the calamities of war, and of his disposition to maintain the rigid observance of all treaties concluded?

'The First Consul of the French Republic could not doubt that his Britannic Majesty recognized the right of nations to chuse the form of their government, since it is from the exercise of this right that he holds his crown; but he has been unable to comprehend how to this fundamental principle, upon which rests the existence of political societies, the Minister of his Majesty could annex insinuations which tend to an interference in the internal affairs of the Republic, and which are no less injurious to the French nation, and to its government, than it would be to England and to his Majesty, if a sort of invitation were held out in favour of that Republican Government of which England adopted the forms in the middle of the last century, or an exhortation to recall to the throne that family whom their birth had placed there, and whom a revolution compelled to descend from it.

If, at periods not far distant, when the constitutional system of the Republic presented neither the strength nor the solidity which it contains at present, his Britannic Majesty thought himself enabled to invite a negociation and pacific conferences, how is it possible that he should not be eager to renew negociations to which the present and reciprocal situation of affairs promise a rapid progress? On every side, the voice of nations and of humanity implores the conclusion of a war marked already by such great calamities; and the prolongation of which threatens Europe with an universal convulsion and irremediable evils. It is therefore to put a stop to the course of these calamities, or in order that their terrible consequences may be reproached to those only who shall have provoked them, that the First Consul of the French Republic proposes to put an immediate end to hostilities, by agreeing to a suspension of arms, and naming Plenipotentiaries on each side, who should repair to Dunkirk, or any other town as advantageously situated for the quickness of the respective communications, and who should apply themselves without any delay,

to effect the re-establishment of peace and good understanding between the French Republic and England.

'The First Consul offers to give the passports which may be necessary for this purpose.

(Signed)

CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND."

'TO THE MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS, &c. AT PARIS.

SIR,

Downing-street, Jan. 20, 1800,

'I have the honour to inclose to you the answer which his Majesty has directed me to return to the Official Note which you transmitted to me. I have the honour to be,

With high consideration, Sir,

Your most obedient humble Servant,

'The official note transmitted by the Minister for Foreign Affairs in France, and received by the undersigned on the 18th instant, has been laid before the King.

His Majesty cannot forbear expressing the concern with which he observes in that note, that the unprovoked aggressions of France, the sole cause and origin of the war, are systematically defended by her present rulers, under the same injurious pretences by which they were originally attempted to be disguised. His Majesty will not enter into the refutation of allegations now universally exploded, and (in so far as they respect his Majesty's conduct), not only in themselves utterly groundless, but contradicted both by the internal evidence of the transactions to which they relate, and also by the express testimony (given at the time) of the Government of France itself.

'With respect to the object of the note, his Majesty can only refer to the answer which he has already given.

'He has explained, without reserve, the obstacles which, in his judgment, preclude, at the present moment, all hope of advantage from negociation. All the inducements to treat, which are relied upon in the French official note; the personal dispositions which are Aid to prevail for the conclusion of Peace, and for the future observance of treaties; the power of ensuring the effect of those dispasitions, supposing them to exist; and the solidity of the system newly established, after so rapid a succession of revolutions-All these are

points which can be known only from that test to which his Majesty has already referred them-the result of experience, and the evidence of facts.

With that sincerity and plainness which his anxiety for the reestablishment of peace indispensably required, his Majesty has pointed out to France the surest and speediest means for the attainment of that great object. But he has declared in terms equally explicit, and with the same sincerity, that he entertains no desire to prescribe to a foreign nation the form of its government: that he looks only to the security of his own dominions and of Europe; and that whenever that essential object can in his judgment be, in any manner whatever, sufficiently provided for, he will eagerly concert with his allies the means of immediate and joint negociation for the re-establishment of general tranquility.

To these declarations his Majesty steadily adheres; and it is only on the grounds thus stated, that his regard to the safety of his subjects will suffer him to renounce that system of vigorous defence, to which, under the favour of Providence, his kingdoms owe the security of those blessings which they now enjoy.

(Signed)

GRENVILLE.'

His Majesty was pleased to inform both houses of Parliament, by a message, of the correspondence which had taken place. The subject was first discussed by the Lords, on Tuesday the 28th of January.

Lord Grenville made a speech prefatory to an address in answer to the message. He exhibited a complete view of the principles on which Government had acted, and the reasons on which they were founded. His Lordship laid down two general positions. The first was, that as long as the system continued in France, the leading features of which were unprincipled aggression and unqualified aggrandisement, and that menaced destruction indis criminately to all countries, no defence could avail against it, but open, steady, and persevering resistance. The second was, that as yet there had not any circumstance occurred in France, which could hold out the prospect of a due and adequate security for its adherence to its treaties, or that the principles, which ever since the revolution had actuated its different rulers, were unequivocally departed from. If he could establish these great fundamental points, he said, no

Noble Lord, who had hitherto agreed with him, could consistently advance, that, under the existing circumstances, this country had any other choice than persevering in the line of conduct she had done for some years past. The criterion by which we were to ascertain the present temper of the enemy was their own conduct: from the past we must form our judgment of the future. He took a comparative view of the conduct and professions of the French, to shew how far they tallied, and consequently how far the sincerity of the protestations could be believed. Not only were they guilty of the most flagrant aggressions, but upon principles totally unjustifiable.

He took a view of their professions at the outset of the revolution. They had protested they were inspired by a sincere love of peace,; and abjured all foreign conquest. This was what they said. How opposite was what they did! How did the French nation manifest its love of peace? In an interval of eight years they had been at war with all Europe, except Denmark and Sweden; and even to those powers they had conducted themselves with such circumstances of aggression, that their respective Ministers had withdrawn from Paris. The French, therefore, had with every country in Europe, without exception, either unjustly commenced war, or displayed aggressive conduct tantamount to actual hostility. These were the indications given by the French of their sincere love of peace. Their conduct with respect to America was too well known to need recapitulation; and in Asia and Africa their aggression and hostility had been abundantly experienced: so that in all quarters of the globe had these lovers of peace carried the calamities of war. This conduct his Lordship did not consider as a proof that their pacific professions

were sincere.

He next proceeded to the conduct with which they followed their abjuration of foreign conquests. This was manifested by their un provoked aggression upon all surrounding countries. Spain, in one point of view, might be urged as an exception; but could it seriously be averred that that country was in any other than a state of subju gation to France? This country alone, by circumstances of peculiar felicity, and separated by a barrier which he trusted would ever remain impassable, was locally exempt from French aggression. But of all the countries in Europe which had experienced the baneful effects of the French system, none were so calamitously affected