ers of war to the combined armies of America and France.. By the articles of capitulation it was agreed, that the British troops, amounting to 6000 men, were to be pri soners to the United States, and the seamen to France; all the British vessels found at York-town and Gloucester, were to be delivered up, with a considerable number of cannon, and a large quantity of military stores. This great event, which took place on the 19th of October, 1781, decided the contest in favour of America, and laid the foundation of a general peace.

Though the capture of lord Cornwallis did not put an actual, yet it may be said to have put a virtual end to the war in America. All hopes of conquering it were from that time abandoned, as vain and hopeless; and every military operation that was afterwards carried on, was not so much with a view of subjugating the colonies, as to maintain the honour of the British arms. In a short time after, all the posts in possession of the British forces in South Carolina and Georgia were abandoned, and they retired to the main army in New York and the neighbourhood.

On the 5th of May, 1782, sir Guy Carleton arrived at the British head-quarters, to succeed sir Henry Clinton. Immediately on his arrival, he acquainted general Washington and congress, that negociations for a peace had been commenced at Paris. On the 30th of November, the provisional articles of peace were signed at Paris, by which Great Britain acknowledged the independence and sovereignty of the United States of America, and these articles were ratified by a definitive treaty.

Thus ended a long and arduous conflict, in which Great Britain expended near one hundred millions of money, with one hundred thousand lives, and won nothing, America endured every cruelty and distress from her enemies; lost many lives and much treasure; but delivered herself from a foreign dominion, and gained a rank among the nations of the earth.

Holland acknowledged the independence of the United States on the 19th of April, 1782; Sweden, February 5th, 1783; Denmark, the 25th of February; Spain in March; and Russia in July, 1783.

No sooner was peace restored by the definitive treaty, and the British troops withdrawn from the country, than the United States began to experience the defects of their general government. While an enemy was in the country, fear, which had first impelled the colonists to associate in mutual defence, continued to operate as a band of

"NO. VIII.

Z.

political union. It gave to the resolutions and recommendations of congress the force of laws, and generally commanded a ready acquiescence on the part of the state legislatures. Articles of confederation and perpetual union had been framed in congress, and submitted to the consideration of the states, in the year 1778. Some of the states immediately acceded to them; but others, which had not unappropriated lands, hesitated to subscribe a compact, which would give an advantage to the states which possessed large tracts of unlocated lands, and were thus capable of a great superiority in wealth and population. All objections however had been overcome, and by the accession of Maryland, in March, 1781; the articles of confederation were ratified, as the frame of government for the United States.

These articles, however, were framed during the rage of war, when a principle of common safety supplied the place of a coercive power in government, by men who could have had no experience in the art of governing an extensive country, and under circumstances the most critical and embarrassing. Hence, the numerous defects of the confederation.

On the conclusion of peace, these defects began to be felt. Each state assumed the right of disputing the propriety of the resolutions of congress, and the interest of an individual state was placed in opposition to the common interest of the union. In addition to this source of division, a jealousy of the powers of congress began to be exeited in the minds of people. This jealousy of the privileges of freemen had been roused by the oppressive acts of the British parliament; and no sooner had the danger from this quarter ceased, than the fears of people changed their object, and were turned against their own rulers.

In this situation, there were not wanting men of industry and talents, who had been enemies to the revolution, and who embraced the opportunity to multiply the apprehensions of people, and increase the popular discontents. A remarkable instance of this happened in Connecticut; as soon as the tumults of war had subsided, an attempt was made to convince the people that the act of congress, passed in 1778, granting to the officers of the army half pay for life, was highly unjust and tyrannical; and that it was but the first step towards the establishment of pensions, and an uncontrolable despotism. The act of congress, passed in 1783, commuting half pay for life, for five years full pay, was designed to appease the apprehensions of people, and to convince them that this gratuity was inten

ded merely to indemnify the officers for their losses by the depreciation of the paper currency, and not to establish » precedent for the granting of pensions. This act, how, ever, did not satisfy the people, who supposed that the of ficers had been generally indemnified for the loss of their pay, by the grants made them from time to time by the legislatures of the several states. Besides the act, while it gave five years full pay to the officers, allowed but one year's pay to the privates, a distinction which had great influence in exciting and continuing the popular ferment, and one that turned a large share of the public rage against the officers themselves.

The moment an alarm was raised respecting this act of congress, the enemies of American independence became active in blowing up the flame, by spreading reports unfavourable to the general government, and tending to create public dissensions. Newspapers, in some parts of the country, were filled with inflammatory publications; while false reports and groundless insinuations were industriously circulated to the prejudice of congress and the officers of the late army. Among a people feelingly alive to every thing that could affect the rights for which they had been contending, these reports could not fail of having a powerful effect; the clamour soon became general; the officers of the army, it was believed, had attempted to raise their fortunes on the distresses of their fellow citizens, and congress become the tyrants of their country.

Connecticut was the seat of this uneasiness, although other states were much agitated on the occasion. A remonstrance against the acts in favour of the officers was framed in the house of representatives of that state, and notwithstanding the upper house refused to concur in the measure, it was sent to congress.

During this situation of affairs, the public odium against the officers was augmented by another circumstance. The officers, just before the disbanding of the army, had formed a society, called by the name of the Cincinnati, after the Roman dictator, Cincinnatus, which, it was said, was intended to perpetuate the memory of the revolution, the friendship of the officers, and the union of the states; and also to raise a fund for the relief of poor widows and orphans, whose husbands and fathers had fallen during the war, and for their descendants.

Whatever were the real views of the framers of this institution, its design was generally understood to be harmless and honourable. The ostensible views of the society could not however skreen it from popular jealousy. A

spirited pamphlet appeared in South Carolina, the avowed production of Mr. Burke, one of the judges of the supreme court in that state, in which the author attempted to prove, that the principles on which the society was formed, would, in process of time, originate and establish an order of nobility in the United States, which would be repugnant to the genius of republican governments, and dangerous to liberty. This pamphlet appeared in Connecticut during the commotions raised by the half-pay and commutation acts, and contributed not a little to spread the flame of opposition. Nothing could exceed the odium which prevailed at this time against the men who had hazarded their persons and properties in the revolution.

The opposition to the acts of congress in favour of the officers, and to the order of the Cincinnati, did not rise to the same pitch in the other states as in Connecticut; yet it produced much disturbance in Massachusetts, and some others. Jealousy of power had been universally spread among the people of the United States. The destruction of the old forms of government, and the licentiousness of war had, in a great measure, broken their habits of obedience; their passions had been inflamed by the cry of despotism; and, like centinels, who have been suddenly surprised by the approach of an enemy, the rustling of a leaf was sufficient to give them an alarm. This spirit of jealousy, which has not yet subsided, and which will proba bly continue visible during the present generation, operated with other causes to relax the energy of their federal operations.

During the war, vast sums of paper currency had been emitted by congress, and large quantities of specie had been introduced, towards the close of the war by the French army, and the Spanish trade. This plenty of money enabled the states to comply with the first requisitions of congress; so that during two or three years, the federal treasury was in some measure supplied. But when the danger of war had ceased, and the vast importations of foreign goods had lessened the quantity of circulating specie, the states began to be very remiss in furnishing their proportion of monies. The annihilation of the credit of the paper bills had totally stopped their circulation, and the specie was leaving the country in cargoes, for remittances to Great Britain. Thus the revenues of congress were annually diminished; some of the states wholly neg lecting to make provision for paying the interest of the national debt; others making but a partial provision, until

the scanty supplies received from a few of the rich states would hardly satisfy the demands of the civil list.

This weakness of the federal government, in conjunction with the flood of certificates or public securities, which congress could neither fund nor pay, occasioned them to depreciate to a very inconsiderable value. The officers and soldiers of the late army were obliged to receive for wages these certificates, or promissory notes, which passed at a fifth, or eighth, or tenth of their nominal value; being thus deprived at once of the greatest part of the reward due for their services. Some indeed profited by speculations in these evidences of the public debt; but such as were under a necessity of parting with them, were robbed of that support which they had a right to expect and demand from their countrymen.

Pennsylvania, indeed, made provision for paying the interest of her debts, both state and federal; assuming her supposed proportion of the continental debt, and giving the creditors her own state notes in exchange for those of the United States. The resources of that state are immense, but she has not been able to make punctual payments, even in a depreciated paper currency.

Massachusetts, in her zeal to comply fully with the requisitions of congress, and satisfy the demands of her own creditors, laid a heavy tax upon the people. This was the immediate cause of a rebellion in that state, in 1786. The leaders of the rebels, however, were not men of talents; they were desperate, but without fortitude; and while they were supported with a superior force, they appeared to be impressed with that consciousness of guilt, that awes the most daring wretch, and makes him shrink from his purpose. This appears by the conduct of a large party of the rebels before the magazine at Springfield; where general Shepard, with a small guard, was stationed to protect the continental stores. The insurgents appeared upon the plain, with a vast superiority of numbers, but a few shot from the artillery made the multitude retreat in disorder, with the loss of four men. This spirited conduct of general Shepard, with the industry, perseverance, and prudent firmness of general Lincoln, dispersed the rebels, drove the leaders from the state, and restored tranquillity. An act of indemnity was passed in the legislature for all the insurgents, except a few leaders, on condition they should become peaceable subjects and take the oath of allegiance. The leaders afterwards petitioned for pardon, which, from motives of policy, was granted by the legis lature.